Nekrasov Nikolai Vissarionovich pedigree. Nikolai Nekrasov. Leader of the Cadet Party
Nikolai Nekrasov is the progenitor of the new literary speech, which contemporaries successfully recreated and improved at the beginning of the 20th century.
Nikolai Alekseevich’s revolution proceeded in two directions at once: content (the writer touched on topics in his works that were not customary to talk about even in prose) and metric (poetry, squeezed into iambic and trochee, thanks to him received a rich arsenal of trimeters).
Russian literature, like Russian public life, until the end of the 60s, developed within the framework of a dichotomy. Nekrasov in his work pushed the boundaries of consciousness, explaining to people that there are at least three points of view on the same question.
Childhood and youth
Nikolai Alekseevich Nekrasov was born on November 28, 1821 in the Podolsk province, where the 36th Jaeger Infantry Regiment, in which his father served as a captain, was stationed.
The head of the family, Alexei Sergeevich, was a despot who was proud of his noble origins. The avid gambler was not interested in either poetry or prose. The mentally unstable man was good at only two things - hunting and assault. Despite the fact that intellectual demands were alien to Alexei, it was in his father’s library that young Nekrasov read the ode “Liberty,” which was prohibited at that time.
Mother Elena Alekseevna was the complete opposite of her husband. A gentle young lady with a fine spiritual organization, she played music and read all the time. In the illusory world of books, she escaped from the harsh everyday realities. Subsequently, Nekrasov will dedicate the poem “Mother” and “Knight for an Hour” to this “holy” woman.
Nekrasov was not the only child. In the difficult atmosphere of his father’s brutal reprisals against peasants, Alexei Sergeevich’s stormy orgies with his serf mistresses and cruel treatment of his “recluse” wife, 13 more children grew up.
In 1832, Nekrasov entered the Yaroslavl gymnasium, where he reached only the 5th grade. The father always wanted his son to follow in his footsteps and become a military man. In 1838, 17-year-old Nikolai went to St. Petersburg to be assigned to a noble regiment.
In the cultural capital, the young man met his fellow countryman, Andrei Glushitsky, who told the poet about the delights of studying at a higher educational institution. Inspired, Nekrasov, contrary to his father’s instructions, decides to enter the philological faculty of St. Petersburg University. However, the ambitious guy fails the entrance exam and earns the status of a volunteer (1831-1841).
As a student, Nikolai Nekrasov suffered terrible poverty. Left without material support, he spent the night in gateways and basements, and only saw a full meal in his dreams. Terrible hardships not only prepared the future writer for adult life, but also strengthened his character.
Literature
The first collection of poems by young Nekrasov was “Dreams and Sounds”. The book was prepared in 1839, but Nekrasov was in no hurry to publish his “brainchild.” The writer doubted the poetic maturity of his poems and was looking for a strict adviser.
Having the proofs in hand, the aspiring writer asked the founder of romanticism to familiarize himself with it. Vasily Andreevich advised not to publish the book under his own name, explaining that in the future Nekrasov would write great works, and Nikolai Alekseevich would be ashamed of this “unprofessionalism”.
As a result, the collection was published under the pseudonym N.N. This collection was not successful with the public, and after criticism by Vissarion Grigorievich Belinsky in the literary magazine Otechestvennye zapiski it was destroyed personally by Nekrasov.
Together with the writer Ivan Ivanovich Panaev, using borrowed money, in the winter of 1846, the poet rented Sovremennik. The publication published leading writers and all those who hated serfdom. In January 1847, the first issue of the updated Sovremennik took place. In 1862, the government suspended the work of the magazine, which was objectionable to the highest ranks, and in 1866 closed it altogether.
In 1868, Nikolai Alekseevich bought the rights to “Notes of the Fatherland”. There the classic was published throughout the subsequent years of its short life.
Among the great variety of works by the writer, the poems “Russian Women” (1873), “Frost, Red Nose” (1863), “Peasant Children” (1861), “On the Volga” (1860) and the poem “Grandfather Mazai” especially stood out. and Hares" (1870), "A Little Man with a Marigold" (1861), "Green Noise" (1862-1863), "Hearing the Horrors of War" (1855).
Personal life
Despite his successful literary policy and the fantastic amount of information that the writer issued monthly (more than 40 printed sheets of proofs) and processed, Nekrasov was an extremely unhappy person.
Sudden attacks of apathy, when the poet did not contact anyone for weeks, and multi-night “card battles” made the arrangement of his personal life almost impossible.
In 1842, at a poetry evening, Nikolai Alekseevich met the wife of the writer Ivan Panaev, Avdotya. The woman was beautiful, had an extraordinary mind and excellent oratorical abilities. As the owner of a literary salon, she constantly “gathered” eminent literary figures (Chernyshevsky, Belinsky) around her.
Despite the fact that Ivan Panaev was an inveterate rake, and any woman would be glad to get rid of such a would-be husband, Nekrasov had to make considerable efforts in order to earn the favor of the charming young lady. It is reliably known that he was in love with the beauty and, however, he failed to achieve reciprocity.
At first, the wayward woman rejected the advances of 26-year-old Nekrasov, which is why he almost committed suicide. But during a joint trip to the Kazan province, the charming brunette and the budding writer nevertheless confessed their feelings to each other. Upon their return, they and Avdotya’s legal husband began to live in a civil marriage in the Panayevs’ apartment.
The Triple Alliance lasted 16 years. All this action caused censure from the public - they said about Nekrasov that he lives in someone else’s house, loves someone else’s wife and at the same time makes scenes of jealousy for his legal husband.
Despite the slander and misunderstanding, Nekrasov and Panaeva were happy. In tandem, the lovers write a cycle of poetry, calling it “Panaevsky”. Biographical elements and dialogue, sometimes with the heart, sometimes with the mind, contrary to popular belief, make the works in this collection absolutely different from the Denisyev Cycle.
In 1849, the famous poet’s muse gave birth to his son. However, the “heir to the talents” of the writer lived only a couple of hours. Six years later, the young lady again gives birth to a boy. The child was extremely weak and died after four months. Due to the impossibility of having children in the couple of Nekrasov and Panayeva, quarrels begin. The once harmonious couple can no longer find “common points of contact.”
In 1862, Avdotya’s legal husband, Ivan Panaev, dies. Soon the woman realizes that Nikolai Alekseevich is not the hero of her novel, and leaves the poet. It is reliably known that in the writer’s will there is a mention of “the love of his life.”
On a trip abroad in 1864, Nekrasov lived for 3 months in an apartment with his companions - his sister Anna Alekseevna and the Frenchwoman Selina Lefren, whom he met back in St. Petersburg in 1863.
Selina was an actress of a French troupe performing at the Mikhailovsky Theater, and because of her easy disposition, she did not take her relationship with the poet seriously. Lefren spent the summer of 1866 in Karabikha, and in the spring of 1867 she again went abroad with Nekrasov. However, this time the fatal beauty never returned to Russia. This did not interrupt their relationship - in 1869 the couple met in Paris and spent the whole of August by the sea in Dieppe. The writer also mentioned her in his dying will.
At the age of 48, Nekrasov met a simple-minded 19-year-old village girl, Fekla Anisimovna Viktorova. And although the young lady did not have outstanding external characteristics and was extremely modest, the master of the literary word immediately liked her. For Thekla, the poet became the man of her life. He not only revealed to a woman the vicissitudes of love, but also showed the world.
Nekrasov and his young girlfriend lived together for five happy years. Their love story was reminiscent of the plot of the play Pygmalion. Lessons in French, Russian grammar, vocals and playing the piano transformed common-law wife writer so much so that instead of an overly common name, the poet began to call her Zinaida Nikolaevna, giving her a patronymic in his own name.
The poet had the most tender feelings for Thekla, but throughout his life he yearned for both the carefree Frenchwoman Selina Lefren, with whom he had an affair abroad, and for the obstinate Avdotya Yakovlevna.
Death
The last years of the great writer’s life were filled with agony. The publicist purchased a “one-way ticket” at the beginning of 1875, when he became seriously ill.
The classic man, who did not particularly care about his health, consulted a doctor only in December 1876 after his affairs became very bad. The examination was carried out by Professor Nikolai Sklifosovsky, who then worked at the Medical-Surgical Academy. During a digital examination of the rectum, he clearly identified a tumor the size of an apple. The eminent surgeon immediately informed both Nekrasov and his assistants about the tumor in order to collectively decide what to do next.
Although Nikolai Alekseevich understood that he was seriously ill, he refused to increase the dose of opium until the very end. The already middle-aged writer was afraid of losing his ability to work and becoming a burden to his family. It is reliably known that during the days of remission, Nekrasov continued to write poems and completed the fourth part of the poem “Who Lives Well in Rus'.” On the Internet to this day you can find photographs where the classic “enslaved by disease” lies on the bed with a piece of paper and thoughtfully looks into the distance.
The treatment used was losing effectiveness, and in 1877 the desperate poet turned to surgeon E.I. for help. Bogdanovsky. The writer’s sister, having learned about the surgical intervention, wrote a letter to Vienna. In it, the woman tearfully asked the eminent professor Theodor Billroth to come to St. Petersburg and operate on his beloved brother. On April 5, agreement came. A close friend of Johannes Brahms asked for 15 thousand Prussian marks for the work. Preparing for the arrival of the surgeon, N.A. Nekrasov borrowed the required amount of money from his brother Fedor.
The attending doctors had to agree with the decision and wait for their colleague to arrive. Professor T. Billroth arrived in St. Petersburg on April 11, 1877. The medical luminary was immediately acquainted with the classic’s medical history. On April 12, Theodor examined Nekrasov and scheduled an operation for the evening of the same day. The hopes of family and friends were not justified: the painful operation led to nothing.
The news of the poet's fatal illness spread across the country in an instant. People from all over Russia sent letters and telegrams to Nikolai Alekseevich. Despite the terrible torment, the eminent literary figure continued to correspond with concerned citizens until he became completely paralyzed.
In the book “Last Songs” written during this time, the literary figure summed up the results, drawing an invisible line between life and creativity. The works included in the collection are a literary confession of a man who anticipates his imminent death.
In December, the publicist’s condition worsened sharply: along with increasing general weakness and emaciation, constantly increasing pain in the gluteal area, chills, swelling on the back of the thigh and swelling in the legs appeared. Among other things, foul-smelling pus began to come out of the rectum.
Before his death, Nekrasov decided to legitimize his relationship with Zinaida. The patient did not have the strength to go to church, and the wedding took place at home. On December 14, who observed the patient N.A. Belogolovy determined complete paralysis of the right half of the body and warned his relatives that the condition would progressively worsen every day.
On December 26, Nikolai Alekseevich one by one called his wife, sister and nurse to him. He said a barely audible “goodbye” to each of them. Soon consciousness left him, and on the evening of December 27 (January 8, 1878, new style), the eminent publicist died.
On December 30, despite the severe frost, a crowd of thousands accompanied the poet “on his last day” from his house on Liteiny Prospekt to his eternal resting place - the cemetery of the Novodevichy Convent.
In his farewell speech, Dostoevsky awarded Nekrasov third place in Russian poetry after Pushkin and. The crowd interrupted the writer with shouts of “Yes, higher, higher than Pushkin!”
Immediately after the funeral, Zinaida Nikolaevna turned to the abbess of the monastery with a request to sell her a place next to her husband’s grave for her future burial.
Bibliography
- "Actor" (play, 1841)
- "Rejected" (play, 1859)
- "The Official" (play, 1844)
- “Theoklist Onufrich Bob, or The Husband Is Out of Place” (play, 1841)
- “Lomonosov’s Youth” (dramatic fantasy in verse in one act with an epilogue, 1840)
- “Contemporaries” (poem, 1875)
- “Silence” (poem, 1857)
- “Grandfather” (poem, 1870)
- “Cabinet of Wax Figures” (poem, 1956)
- “Who Lives Well in Rus'” (poem, 1863-1876)
- “Peddlers” (poem, 1861)
- “Recent Time” (poem, 1871)
N.V. Nekrassov (1879-1940) son of an archpriest, graduated from high school (with honors), then from the St. Petersburg Institute of Railway Engineers (1902). In 1903 - 1905, he was on an internship in Germany from the Ministry of Railways: he got acquainted with the largest construction enterprises, objects and structures, studied the system of teaching construction in higher educational institutions, and collected material for a dissertation.
Since August 1, 1902, he has been a full-time teacher of mathematics, mechanics and drawing in the civil engineering department of the Tomsk Technological Institute. From July 1, 1906, acting extraordinary professor in the Department of Structural Mechanics (specialty “Bridges”). He gave courses of lectures “Statics of structures”, “Bridges”, supervised the design of construction art (bridge abutments), structural mechanics, statics of structures.
Tomsk Technological Institute, 1902
In 1906 - 1908 was secretary of the civil engineering department. Prepared two abstract courses: “Statics of structures”, “Static indeterminate systems”. Presented his dissertation “On the theory of trusses with rigid connections at nodes. Experience in comparative analysis of calculation methods" (1907). He was described by his colleagues as a “serious and intelligent teacher.” Since 1905, he was actively involved in the political life of Russia, took part in organizing a group of the academic union (union of professors) in Tomsk. He lived briefly in Yalta, where he joined the Constitutional Democratic Party (People's Freedom Party), headed its Yalta branch, and represented the Taurida province at the 1st founding congress of the Cadet Party. During these turbulent years of the First Revolution, he left teaching until better times. In 1909 - 1915. he is a member of the Central Committee (Central Committee) of the Cadet Party, the leader of its left wing, and a supporter of active cooperation with socialist parties. However, he soon resigned from the Central Committee, since the more moderate majority did not agree with his ideas. Since 1907, he was a member of the Third State Duma from the Tomsk province, and was a member of the Cadets faction. He was considered one of the most active deputies and spoke from the Duma rostrum more than 100 times. Mainly dealt with problems of construction, communications and finance. Nekrasov was a rapporteur for the financial commission on railway and waterway issues. He presented the rationale for the construction of the Tyumen-Omsk and Yekaterinburg-Kurgan railway lines. Initiator of developing a plan for Siberian railway construction with the participation of local public forces. He was a member of the Siberian Parliamentary Group, taking an active part in the development of bills relating to Siberia.
Nikolai Vissarionovich is one of the prominent figures of Russian political Freemasonry, a member of the Supreme Council of the Great East of the Peoples of Russia, before the convention of 1912, and then in 1915 and the first half of 1916. N. Nekrasov was the secretary of the Supreme Council.
The leadership core of the Masonic organization of the Great East (in the center is N.V. Nekrasov)
In this capacity, he worked closely with A.F. Kerensky, and together with him was part of the informal “Masonic Five” of political figures. Its members were also A.I. Konovalov, M.I. Tereshchenko, I.N. Efremov, who later became ministers of the Provisional Government.
Since 1912 - member of the IV State Duma from the Tomsk province, in 1916–1917. - comrade of its chairman. After the outbreak of the First World War, he headed a sanitary detachment. He was a member of the Special Meeting on State Defense. Together with A.I. Guchkov, he participated in the preparation of a conspiracy to remove Nicholas II, where he was a supporter of decisive action.
During February Revolution 1917 Nekrasov was a member of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. On the night of March 3, he drafted a bill declaring monarchical Russia a Russian Republic (this caused sharp dissatisfaction with the cadet leader P. N. Milyukov, who considered a constitutional monarchy possible for Russia). At the same time, he compiled a “sample text” of Mikhail Romanov’s abdication of the throne (it is unknown whether he used this “cheat sheet” or not, but he abdicated the throne on the same day - March 3).
March 2, 1917 N.V. Nekrasov is appointed Minister of Railways of the Provisional Government and fulfills these duties until July 2 of the same year. He was also a friend of the Chairman of the State Duma. He managed to quickly gain popularity among left-wing forces and issued a circular on the right of the railway workers' trade union to public control and monitoring of the activities of the railway department. Satisfied the demands of workers and employees for increased wages.
In July 1917, he became one of the leaders of the small Russian Radical Democratic Party. From 07/24/17 to 09/24/17 he was Minister of Finance and at the same time Comrade of the Chairman of the Second Provisional Government. During the speech of General L.G. Kornilov, Nekrasov spoke out against him, but at the same time was a supporter of Kerensky’s resignation in order to prevent an armed conflict. In this case, Nekrasov, as Deputy Minister-Chairman, would become acting head of government. However, Kerensky then retained his post as prime minister, and Nekrasov was removed from the government and removed from Petrograd in connection with his appointment as Governor-General of Finland (from September 5, 1917).
After the Bolsheviks came to power, Nekrasov was the manager of the Moscow office of Syncreds Union and a statistician at the People's Commissariat for Food. At the beginning of 1918, having changed his last name to Golgofsky, he left for Ufa and worked in the cooperative system. In 1919 he moved to Kazan. In March 1921, he was identified as a former minister of the Provisional Government, arrested, sent to Moscow and in May, after a meeting with V.I. Lenin in the Kremlin, released. In 1921–1930 he was appointed a member of the board of the Central Union of the RSFSR and the USSR, taught at Moscow University, at the Institute of Consumer Cooperation.
On November 30, 1930, he was arrested by the OGPU board and sentenced to 10 years in prison in the case of the so-called. “counter-revolutionary organization” of the Union Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP Mensheviks. While in prison, he led the Special Design Bureau (the so-called “sharashka”) for the design of the White Sea-Baltic Canal. This OKB was located behind the OGPU in Moscow. There was a large store there, and on the fifth floor there was a special design bureau... The design bureau brought together hydrologists, hydraulic engineers, irrigators, and land reclamation specialists from all over the country to design the canal. We worked all day long and only had a little time for walking.
From the memoirs of O.V. Vyazemsky railway engineer (also arrested at that time): “...we were taken to the very top, into a huge hall with a parquet floor, which easily accommodated 120 people. Half of the hall is a dormitory, beds with spring mattresses, and half with tables. They explain to us that we ended up in the Special Design Bureau - OKB. The headman - an old professor - called the new arrivals and gave them a speech in which he outlined the technical problem. On the wall hung a map with a marking of the future waterway. The headman turned out to be Nikolai Vissarionovich Nekrasov, a former professor at the Tomsk Technological Institute. He was then about sixty years old. Subsequently, he built not only the White Sea-Baltic Canal, but also the Moscow Canal.”
In 1932, in a barracks for prisoners in the ITL at Bear Mountain N.V. Nekrasov was seen by D.S. Likhachev (himself a repressed person, later an academician). In March 1933, with the completion of the canal construction, Nekrasov was released early, after which he worked on the construction of the Moscow-Volga canal as a construction management employee and head of the Zavidovo construction area. The zones were located essentially on the outskirts of Moscow. In Dmitrov, on the northern and southern outskirts, there were also two zones; there was a camp serving the railway station. Some of the specialists lived in the private sector, and for the prominent scientist N.V. Nekrasova - already a civilian Dmitlag, they built a house, provided household servants and a car with a personal driver. In 1938, for the early launch of the canal named after. Moscow Nekrasov was awarded the Order of the Red Banner of Labor. In 1939, he held the position of head of work in the Kalyazinsky district in the Volzhsky ITL of the NKVD (Volgostroy), and was engaged in the construction of waterworks.
Moscow region, Dmitrov, st. Pushkin House No. 45, where engineer N.V. Nekrasov lived
On June 13, 1939 he was arrested for the second time. On April 14, 1940, he was convicted by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR on charges of sabotage during the construction of the Moscow-Volga canal and organizing a counter-revolutionary terrorist group with the aim of killing the leaders of the CPSU (b) and the Soviet government. On May 7, 1940, he was shot. This talented figure of our country was buried in Moscow at the Donskoye Cemetery. Rehabilitated on March 12, 1991 by the USSR Prosecutor's Office.
The Russian Republic was proclaimed by the Provisional Government on September 1, 1917. This act was not required throughout the subsequent history of the Russian state and remained only on paper.
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NIKOLAI VISSARIONOVICH is a Russian politician and statesman.
From the family he is sacred. Graduated from the St. Petersburg Institute of Communications (1902). Then he worked at the engineering and construction department of the Tomsk Technological Institute, in 1903-1905 he worked in Germany and Switzerland for preparation for the professional title (specialization in the region -ti bridge-building). Since 1906, acting ex-t-ra-or-di-nar-no-go professor of the Tomsk Technological Institute, secretary of the civil engineer of the de-le Institute of the Institute (1906-1908).
In 1904, he became close to the activities of the Union for the Os-bo-zh-de-niya, according to the overseas agent of the Department in-li-tion, kept in touch with the Socialist-Revolutionaries. Upon returning to Russia, he was one of the or-ga-ni-za-to-rov group of the Aka-de-mi-che-soy in Tomsk. Later he joined the ka-de-there (Kon-sti-tu-tsi-on-no-de-mo-kra-tichesky party; KDP), de-le-gat of the 3rd congress party ka-de-tov (April/May 1906). In the fall of 1906, he headed the Tomsk Provincial Committee of the KDP, since 1909 a member of the Central Committee of the party, and joined its left wing. Deputy of the State Duma of the 3rd (1907-1912) and 4th (1912-1917) convocations, one of the ru-co-vo-di-te-leys, since 1912 - risch of the chairman of the KDP faction, called for cooperation with the left-wing factions of the Duma (in part-st-no-sti, with work-do-vi-ka-mi).
A supporter of the entire development of the place of self-government, supported the ideas of the Si-Bir- skogo region-la-st-ni-che-st-va, before the introduction of zemstvos in the region, demanded to protect the indigenous te-ley Si-bi-ri (foreign-tsev) from “predatory exploitation”, give them the right to establish their life in co-vet-st-vii with folk traditions. In 1908, he joined the Ma-so-us, entered the “Ro-zy” lodge (the so-called Duma, or “po-li-ti-che-skoe”, ma-son -st-vo), secretary of the Verkh-no-go so-ve-ta "Great Eastern Current of the Peoples of Russia" (1908-1912, 1915), chairman of the ma- sleepy “con-ven-ta” (congress) in the summer of 1912 in Moscow. At the beginning of 1914, in pro-ti-vo-vez, the wife of P.N. “Nekrasov did not seem to be able to put more pressure on him.
Since the beginning of the First World War, the Union of Cities, the Siberian Society for the power of the sick and wounded soldiers and those who suffered from the war, a special meeting for the defense of the state-gifted st-va, was a member of the Earth-mountain. In June 1915, he left the Central Committee of the KDP. A prominent figure in the “Pro-gress-siv-no-go bloc”, in 1915 he was considered an op-po-zi-tsi-ey in ka-che-st-ve kan-di-da-ta for the post of minister of put-tei so-society. In February 1916, he was again elected as a member of the Central Committee of the KDP. Since November 1916, he has been the Chairman of the State Duma. According to a number of researchers, together with A.I. Guch-kov, he studied in training for -ra with the aim of removing Emperor Nicholas II.
During the February Revolution of 1917, he became a member of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, and drafted an act on the authority of Grand Duke Mi -hai-la Alek-san-d-ro-vi-cha to take power after the re-ce-tion from the throne of Nicholas II, and also pre-lo- the same about the introduction of a republican form of government in Russia. The minister of the put-tey association of the Temporary Government, tried to get the business together -what happened to the trade union-behind-the-lez-but-before-rozh-nikov, after the April-crisis of the Provisional Government- st-va from-sta-val is not-about-ho-di-most of the creation of a coalition government with the participation of moderate so-cials -stov and the soon-to-be-convened Uch-re-edificatory council.
Participated in the work of the 1st All-Russian Congress of the So-ve-tov of Workers and Sol-da-ts-kih de-pu-ta-tov, 2- th General congress (both - June 1917, Petrograd), in negotiations with the Ukrainian Central Council about the car nom-nom st-tu-se Uk-rai-ny and under-knowledge of the General-no-go sec-re-ta-ria-ta organ-government Time. government in the region. During the July crisis Time. pra-vi-tel-st-va de-mon-st-ra-tiv-but left the KDP and joined Ros. ra-di-kalno-de-mo-kra-tich. par-tiyu. Deputy min.-prev. Provisional Government, from July 25 (August 7) - Deputy Minister-Chairman and Minister of Finance, one of the closest collaborators A. F. Ke-ren-sko-go. During the Cor-ni-lo-va vy-stu-p-le-niya of 1917, you-said for the resignation of Ke-ren-sko-go-ra-di pre-dot-vra - after the armed conflict, 08.31 (09.13). Chen Governor-General of the Grand Duchy of Finland.
After the October Revolution of 1917, she studied in the activities of the Polish Provisional Government. Since March 1918, the manager of the Moscow company of the Union of Siberian Credit Unions, then, under a false name, worked in koo-pe-ra-tiv uch-re-zh-de-ni-yah Ka-za-ni. In 1921, are-sto-van according to do-no-su, was delivered to Moscow, soon os-vo-bo-zh-den, worked in Tsentro- Union, pre-da-val at the 1st Moscow State University, the Institute of National Economy and the Moscow Institute of Requirement-Co-Operation.
One of the editors of the 3rd volume (“Fi-nan-sy and accounting”) “Tor-go-voy en-cyclo-pedia” (1924), av -tor of the mo-no-graphy “Koo-pe-ra-tiv-naya trade-gov-lya” (parts 1-3, 1926-1928). In 1930, are-sto-van according to the so-called. de-lu of the So-yuz-no-go bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (less-she-vi-kov), in 1931, assigned to the 10th year of la-ge-rey. Worked on the construction of the White Sea-Baltic Ka-na-la and Ka-na-la Mo-sk-va - Vol-ga, in 1933 but os-in-bo-zh-day, in 1934 on-gra-zh-den by the order of Tru-do-of the Red Sign. Since 1937, he worked at Vol-go-stroy. In 1939, are-sto-van again. Military College of the Supreme Court of the USSR Pri-go-vo-ren to the highest measure of na-ka-za-niya. Ras-str-lyan. Rea-bi-li-ti-ro-van in 1991.
As part of the “Historical Calendar” section, we continue our , dedicated to the upcoming 100th anniversary of the 1917 revolution. The project, which we called “Gravediggers of the Russian Kingdom,” is dedicated to those responsible for the collapse of the autocratic monarchy in Russia - professional revolutionaries, confrontational aristocrats, liberal politicians; generals, officers and soldiers who have forgotten about their duty, as well as other active figures of the so-called. “liberation movement”, voluntarily or unwittingly, contributed to the triumph of the revolution - first the February, and then the October. The column continues with an essay dedicated to one of the leaders of the famous “Masonic Five” and participant in the anti-monarchist conspiracy N.V. Nekrasov.
Nikolai Vissarionovich Nekrasov born on October 20, 1879 in St. Petersburg in a large family of a priest - a candidate of theology, who served as a teacher of law at the Gatchina Teachers' Seminary and the 10th St. Petersburg Gymnasium (since 1896 - archpriest). After graduating from high school with a gold medal (1897), Nikolai entered the St. Petersburg Institute of Railway Engineers, which he also graduated with honors.
During his student years, Nekrasov, apparently, did not show any opposition, and although Nikolai Vissarionovich himself assured in 1917 that, “When we were students, we did not ask, but demanded!”, who knew him well, argued that in this case “memory slightly changed” the policy ‒ “When he was a student, he did not demand anything - he then in 1899 established the Academic League at the Institute of Railways - the first, in general, “academic” organization in Russia, and then until 1901 he was the leader of the right in the same institute”. Prince V.A. also pointed out this. Obolensky, who noted that during his student years Nekrasov “not only did he not show any radicalism, but he belonged to a group of students with very right-wing sentiments”. As historian V.V. notes. Shelokhaev, until December 1904, the Police Department had no information about Nekrasov’s illegal activities.
Having shown an aptitude for science, Nekrasov was invited to the newly opened Tomsk Technological Institute as a teacher of mathematics, mechanics and drawing. In 1903‒1905 he was sent on an internship to Germany and Switzerland to prepare for a professorship. Returning to Russia, Nekrasov was elected extraordinary professor in the department of structural mechanics (specialty “Bridges”), gave lectures, supervised design work, earning recognition as a “serious and intelligent teacher.”
The first information about the political activities of N.V. Nekrasov dates back to 1904. While on a business trip abroad, he became close to political emigrants - liberals and socialists, and therefore secret police surveillance was established over him. Apparently it was then that Nekrasov joined the liberal Liberation Union, joining its left wing. And in the days of the revolution of 1905, Nikolai Vissarionovich plunged headlong into politics: he took part in the organization of the “Academic Union” in Tomsk, participated in rallies, gatherings and strikes, joined the Constitutional Democratic Party, heading its Yalta branch (due to his wife’s illness , he lived for some time in Yalta), represented the Taurida province at the 1st founding congress of the Cadet Party. “Young, energetic, ruddy... with beautiful, somewhat mystical, blue eyes, possessing the gift of words, he not only easily won women’s hearts, but also made a charming impression on men with the sincere tone of his speeches and good-natured simplicity of communication.”, - recalled his fellow party member Prince V.A. Obolensky. Soon, the young ambitious politician rose to the forefront of the most popular (and radical) liberal party, becoming the leader of its left wing.
Returning to Tomsk, Nekrasov headed the local cadet organization. While continuing his teaching work, he was engaged in agitation and propaganda among students, spoke in the local press, and actively participated in election campaigns. In 1907, Nekrasov was elected to the Third State Duma, in which he joined the Cadets faction. In the Duma, the politician established himself as one of the most active deputies (he spoke from the Duma pulpit more than 100 times). "H.V. Nekrasov,- recalled “...a young deputy with a great, although unexpected for the faction, future, focused on railway issues”. In addition to working on commissions related to his professional interests, Nekrasov actively participated in the development of bills relating to Siberia (he supported the demands of the autonomists). At the same time, Nekrasov did not often raise political issues in his public speeches from the Duma rostrum. However, this did not at all mean his moderation as a politician. As V.A. recalled Obolensky, “extremely characteristic of him is the dual tactics that he used when he was a deputy: at meetings of the faction and the Central Committee he was the leader of the radical opposition, partly openly, partly in private conversations he constantly attacked Miliukov for his moderation, and in the Duma he spoke exclusively on business issues, avoiding in his speeches any political emphasis on the right or left. This gave him the opportunity to simultaneously be known as a moderate in the right circles of the Duma and a secret revolutionary in its left circles.”.
The entry of N.V. dates back to approximately 1908‒1909. Nekrasov to the Masonic lodge "Great East of the Peoples of Russia", where he soon became one of the most prominent figures (member of the convention, and then general secretary of the Supreme Council of the All-Russian People's Republic of Russia). As a member of the famous “Masonic Five” (Nekrasov, Konovalov, Efremov), he worked closely with Kerensky and other left-wing politicians. As rightly noted by V.V. Shelokhaev, "Nekrasov's participation in Masonic lodges ah, and as a secretary, contributed to his awareness of the activities of both liberal and revolutionary organizations, which in turn influenced the radicalism of his behavior within his own party.”. Elected in 1909 to the Central Committee of the Cadet Party, Nekrasov advocated active cooperation with the socialists, with the Duma left factions and insisted on strengthening criticism of the authorities.
Having become a famous politician, N.V. Nekrasov in 1912 won the elections to the IV State Duma, in which he became deputy chairman of the Cadet Party. His obvious confrontation with party leader P.N. dates back to this time. Miliukov (“underground war”, as they say). “Dissatisfaction with our tactics has penetrated even into our faction, which is usually friendly and like-minded,” recalled the cadet leader . “The instigator of leftist sentiments was Nekrasov, a young engineer and teacher at the Tomsk Technological Institute.”. Nekrasov demanded a revision of the party program and charter, and advocated a tougher course towards the authorities. Unlike Miliukov, who adhered to the tactics of “isolating the government,” Nekrasov was inclined to believe that legal methods of fighting the government had already exhausted themselves, and therefore a peaceful outcome to the confrontation was hardly possible. Calling on the Cadets to “be prepared” so that terrible events do not take them by surprise, Nekrasov pointed out the need for cooperation with the moderate left, while dissociating himself from “utopian socialism.” Instead of the “passive defense” of which he accused Miliukov, Nekrasov called for an active fight against “reaction.” As noted by V.V. Shelokhaev, the politician identified the main directions of this offensive as the fight against anti-Semitism and clericalism, a change in attitude towards the army, support for the proletarian movement, the national and agrarian question. Regularly meeting for consultations with liberals (Octobrists, Cadets, Progressives), Nekrasov also fruitfully communicated with socialists (Mensheviks and Socialists). “...Every day Nekrasov’s deviation towards the socialists became more and more clearly visible, his approach to Kerensky, on whom he gained more and more influence and with whom he sang in unison more and more often.”, - recalled V.D. Nabokov. Since that time, states Shelokhaev, Nekrasov “began to “paint red””.
During the First World War, Nekrasov labored in Zemgora, being the deputy chairman of this public organization - the prince. In 1915, he announced his resignation from the Central Committee of the Cadet Party, considering his activities passive and “harmful.” As a member of the Progressive Bloc, Nekrasov gained increasing popularity in opposition circles and in 1916 was elected comrade (deputy) chairman of the State Duma.
Together with M.I. Tereshchenko Nekrasov participated in the preparation of the “palace coup”, speaking as a supporter of “decisive actions”. As stated by the gendarme general A.I. Spiridovich, “Guchkov’s closest conspiracy group included: member of the State. Duma Nekrasov, chamber cadet Prince D.L. Vyazemsky, who was the head of the 17th forward detachment of the Red Cross, chamber cadet M.I. Tereshchenko, who served at the disposal of the director of the Imperial Theaters, a Kiev millionaire, also the Commissioner-in-Chief of the Red Cross and a member of the Military-Industrial Committee, as well as a major general who served on the Romanian Front » . “...I was sick, I was lying down, and suddenly they told me that Nekrasov had arrived, who had never visited me,” recalled A.I. Guchkov . - He came to me and said: from your words that only those who participate in the revolution can be called to the task of creating power, it seemed to me that you have a special idea... Then I told him that I had really thought about this The question is that it is impossible to allow the development of anarchy, before the change of power by a revolutionary order, that the responsible state elements need to take on these tasks themselves, because otherwise it will be carried out very poorly by the street and the elements. I said that I would consider the question of a palace revolution - this is the only remedy. (...) From a conversation with Nekrasov, it became clear that he also came to the same point of view about the complete impossibility of achieving a radical change in the government course through normal means, about the inevitability of a violent coup...”. After this, their joint work began, aimed at overthrowing the existing political system. “Shortly before the February revolution, ‒ Nekrasov later testified “The search for connections with military circles also began. A group of generals and officers opposed to the tsarist government was found, rallying around A.I. Guchkova (Krymov, Manikovsky and a number of others), and an organizational connection is established with her.”.
According to Nekrasov’s testimony given in 1921, “It came to direct negotiations between the zemstvo-city group and the leaders of the Duma bloc on the possible composition of the government “just in case.” However, ideas about this “case” did not go further than a palace coup, which was openly threatened in connection with Rasputin and related circles. In this calculation, it was assumed that Alexei would be proclaimed tsar, Mikhail as regent, Prince Lvov or , and the Minister of Foreign Affairs was Miliukov. (...) Next to these tops of bourgeois society, lively work was also going on in the circles of those who believed and were waiting for a real revolution. (...) The main slogan here was the republic... (...) I had the opportunity to take an active part in all this and, by the will of fate, turned out to be one of the connecting links between various groups. This is understandable: as a comrade of the chairman of Zemgor and Sogor, I was closely connected with zemstvo and city circles, as a member of the Duma and the Central Committee of the Cadets. party - had a certain influence in the Duma and at the same time was closely connected with the revolutionary parties".
During the February Revolution, which Nekrasov naturally welcomed, he insisted more than others that the Duma should not obey the Tsar’s decree on a break in its work until April 1917, and then became a member of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. As he later testified, he especially remembered the “chase of the royal train,” which he controlled from the Duma, “giving orders to Bublikov, who was sitting as a commissar in the Ministry of Railways.” According to the testimony of cadets P.N. Milyukova and V.D. Nabokov, Nekrasov prepared a draft version of the act of renunciation of the throne for Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and categorically advocated the establishment of a republican system in Russia. “In the Duma building, the ministers and the temporary committee took measures to contact Mikhail Alexandrovich and arrange a meeting with him in the morning,” Miliukov recalled . - Two currents became clear at once - for and against the adoption of the throne by the Grand Duke. Of course, behind this disagreement there was a fundamental question - about the Russian state system. One night episode finally convinced me of this. The three of us sat in the corner of the room: me, Kerensky and Nekrasov. Nekrasov handed me a crumpled piece of paper with a few lines in pencil, on which I read a proposal to introduce a republic. Kerensky convulsively grabbed my hand and tensely waited for my answer. I irritably threw away the piece of paper with some harsh phrase addressed to Nekrasov. Kerensky roughly pushed my hand away.".
The peak of N.V.’s career Nekrasov was appointed on March 2, 1917 as Minister of Railways of the Provisional Government. In this position, he was remembered by many as a radical demagogue. A.A. Bublikov noted in his memoirs: “Very characteristic in this regard is the famous speech of the newly appointed Minister of Railways Nekrasov at the Nikitin Circus in Moscow, a speech that played a colossal role in the destruction of our railway transport. Instead of telling his new subordinates about the difficult situation of the railway apparatus, explaining to them that only their most intense work can save the situation, the minister (listen: - the minister himself!) told them that he was opposed to piecework, spoke hot and beautiful words about democratization, about organization, created some kind of theory of railways for... railway employees, to whom, supposedly, the Constituent Assembly would give the roads to autonomous management, he exclaimed: “Comrades, unite! Comrades, demand!” (...) The hall thundered with applause, they almost prayed for Mr. Minister. People left the meeting as if drunk with delight. G. Nekrasov was, at one time, almost the most popular person in Russia (...). And the result? Of the 30,000 Russian steam locomotives, 14,000 are completely unfit for work and no one can or is going to fix them.” Later, during interrogation, Nekrasov will flirtatiously note that some called him in those days the “Bolshevik minister,” although he did not deserve such an honor.
The newly appointed minister advocated the creation of a government coalition with the socialists and was a supporter of the removal of P.N. from the government. Miliukova and in every possible way emphasized his like-mindedness with A.F. Kerensky. In this regard, Miliukov noted: “...Back then I already had reason to believe N.V. Nekrasov is simply a traitor, although we have not yet had a formal break. I could not express myself so strongly if we were talking only about political differences. We saw that he followed an essentially republican line. It was his business. (...) What was worse was that Nekrasov, seeing the rapid growth of Kerensky’s influence, defected to him out of clearly personal calculations. He was, of course, smarter than Kerensky and, so to speak, worked him to his advantage. (...) ... “He could not play the first role - and even, not wanting to take risks, he did not “strive” for it. He was more capable of playing the role of an earpiece, a secret adviser, some kind of Éminence grise ( Eminence grise. - A.I.).”(Nekrasov himself in a moment of revelation will be answered by A.P. Kropotkina to her accusation that he is eager for power, that his ideal is « black dad" « no one knows, but who does everything").
At the end of June, as part of the delegation of the Provisional Government (A.F. Kerensky, M.I. Tereshchenko, I.G. Tsereteli), Nekrasov participated in negotiations with the Ukrainian Central Rada and the preparation of a draft declaration, which served as one of the causes of the government crisis (Cadet ministers were against the broad autonomy of Ukraine, which the socialists agreed to). On July 3, 1917, he defiantly resigned from the Cadet Party, becoming one of the leaders of the new political structure - the Russian Radical Democratic Party. After the resignation of the cadet ministers and the formation of a new government, Nekrasov took the posts of Deputy Minister-Chairman and Minister of Finance.
During the days of the “Kornilov mutiny,” Nekrasov promised Kerensky full support, calling on the railway workers not to carry out the general’s orders. But at the same time, Nekrasov, trying to prevent an armed conflict, supported the opinion of ministers A.S. Zarudny and M.I. Tereshchenko about the resignation of Kerensky, for which he was immediately removed from the government. “...During his stay in power, he was, first of all, driven most of all by the motives of ambition,” V.D. believed Nabokov . ‒ He sought to play the first role, ‒ and he achieved the goal, but only in order to inspire the shameful behavior of Kerensky in the Kornilov affair and then leave the stage with a damaged political reputation, abandoned by all his former friends (...), with the nickname of “evil genius of the Russian revolution".
In early September 1917, the disgraced Nekrasov was sent into “honorable exile” by the Governor General of Finland. However, in his new post, apart from declarative statements, the former minister did not have time to prove himself due to the Bolshevik revolution that soon broke out. "Revolution, - wrote Obolensky , - accelerated his brilliant career, but also brought its end closer. An exceptionally intelligent and capable person, Nekrasov did not have a broad enough education to become a political leader in difficult revolutionary times. (...) Sliding along the surface political life, Nekrasov, like a clever player, bet on the “favorites”. (...) Realizing the hopelessness of the Cadet positions, he threw in his lot with Kerensky, but did not have time to jump to Lenin.”.
N.V. Nekrasov, who took part in the meetings of the underground Provisional Government, however did not sign his appeal “To all citizens of the Russian Republic”. Until February 1918, he remained in Petrograd, moving to Moscow in early March. Here he worked as a car wash manager at the Syncreds Union office and served as a statistician at the People's Commissariat for Food. In June 1918, with a false passport under the name Golgofsky, Nekrasov went to Ufa, where he worked in the cooperative system; in 1919 he moved to Kazan. Identified in 1921 as the former Governor-General of Helsingfors and Minister of the Provisional Government, Nekrasov-Golgofsky was arrested and sent to Moscow. In Butyrka prison, where with him, according to the directive of F.E. Dzerzhinsky, were treated well, Nekrasov served 54 days, after which he was released. After interrogating the former minister and collecting information about him, the security officers came to the conclusion that Nekrasov had completely broken with the past, realizing that “there is nothing in between reaction and Soviet power.” The Bolshevik Central Committee not only ordered the case to be stopped, but also to send Nekrasov to economic work. Moreover, he was given a meeting with V.I. Lenin, which Nekrasov described as follows: “When they took me to the Kremlin, despite my experience, I got cold feet. Vladimir Ilyich stood up from his chair, shook hands and offered to sit down... He asked: “Where would you like to work?” Without hesitation, I answered that I would like to work in cooperation. “That’s it, my comrades and I previously discussed and decided to recommend you to the Central Union”.
Having legalized, N.V. Nekrasov worked for 9 years on the board of the Central Union of the RSFSR and the USSR, taught at Moscow University and at the Institute of Consumer Cooperation. The political authorities remembered the cadet leader and former minister of the Provisional Government in 1930: on November 3, he was arrested and on April 25, 1931, he was sentenced by the OGPU Collegium to 10 years in the camps with confiscation of property for “sabotage” and attempts to “restore the capitalist system in the USSR.” In conclusion, Nekrasov worked in the Moscow design bureau for the construction of the White Sea Canal, and then was sent to the construction site. In March 1933, prisoner Nekrasov, who worked on the construction of the Moscow-Volga canal, was released early, but remained at the construction site as a free man, soon earning not only the honorary title of “drummer”, but also the Order of the Red Banner of Labor. This was followed by service at Volgostroy, and in 1939 Nekrasov was again arrested and sent to Lefortovo prison. This time he was accused of organizing the assassination attempt on Lenin in 1918, anti-Soviet activities and sabotage. On April 14, 1940, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR sentenced N.V. Nekrasov to capital punishment, and on May 7 (according to other sources, on May 5) he was shot (rehabilitated on March 12, 1991).
It is significant that N.V. has a good memory of himself. Nekrasov did not leave even with his former party members. “He is greedy for honor and unscrupulous in his means.”, - noted member of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party A.V. Tyrkova-Williams. “...Nekrasov, in my deep conviction, is one of the few major people who have emerged in the political arena in recent years,” another cadet wrote ‒ V.D. Nabokov . “He has enormous business abilities, the ability to navigate, a broad outlook, and practical savvy. The man is smart, cunning, eloquent, he knows how to seem sincere and simple-minded when necessary. But, obviously, his ethical properties (I am speaking, of course, not about personal, but about socio-political ones) are not at the height of his intellectual qualities. I readily believe that in the end he strove for the victory of those ideas that united him with his party comrades. But to do this, he chose an unusually tortuous path and eventually reached a dead end. It seems to me that (...) he must be one of the most unfortunate people and that his political career is completely over. He will no longer inspire confidence in anyone, but trust is, after all, an absolutely necessary condition for a political genius. Nekrasov left precisely the impression of duplicity, a mask hiding the true face...”
Prepared Andrey Ivanov, Doctor of Historical Sciences“...When they brought me to the Kremlin, despite my experience, I got cold feet... Vladimir Ilyich stood up from his chair, shook hands and invited me to sit down... asked... “Where would you like to work?” Without hesitation, I answered that I would like to work in cooperation - “Well, so we previously discussed it with our comrades and decided to recommend you to the Central Union. Well, according to the department of the Extraordinary Commission, you pass by us as a “secret mason from Siberia”, a Siberian freemason, so to speak... You will build an Industrial Cooperation for the workers... Pebble by stone, stone by stone you will build something...”
This is an excerpt from the memoirs of Nikolai Vissarionovich Nekrasov, a deputy of the State Duma of the third and fourth convocations, Minister of Railways of the Provisional Government and the last Governor-General of Finland.
It was no coincidence that Vladimir Ilyich Lenin summoned him to the Kremlin. After the October coup in Petrograd, the Bolshevik government was faced with a severe problem - the All-Russian Executive Committee of the Railway Workers' Trade Union (Vikzhel), declaring itself a neutral organization, demanded a “cessation civil war and the creation of a homogeneous socialist government from the Bolsheviks to the People's Socialists inclusive."
As the most compelling arguments, the leaders of the railway workers refused to transport troops near Pskov, where the fighting was taking place, and... threatened an immediate general strike in transport.
Nikolai Vissarionovich Nekrasov, who four months ago, as a minister of the Provisional Government, by his own will raised the salaries of all railway workers by 50%, was the most authoritative person in Vikzhel. It was his influence that the leader of the world proletariat tried to use to save the Bolshevik clique from inevitable collapse.
Nikolai Nekrasov consulted with the inner circle of the Masonic lodge “Great East” and... agreed to provide assistance to the usurpers of power in the country.
Russian railway workers postponed the strike for some time, and Lenin spared the lives of Nekrasov and his family.
As a result of this personal agreement, Nikolai Vissarionovich returned from “high politics” to his normal engineering life for a long time.
Engineering life
Nikolai Vissarionovich Nekrasov was born on October 20, 1879 in St. Petersburg into the family of a priest. Father - Vissarion Yakovlevich - an authoritative philosopher of the capital's clergy, was the archpriest and confessor of Countess Elizaveta Orlova-Davydova.
Nikolai is the only child in the family who survived “infant mortality” (his brothers and sisters died in infancy). He graduated from one of the capital's gymnasiums with a gold medal and entered the Institute of Railway Engineers.
This is one of the most reputable institutions Russian Empire, which produced engineers for the entire planet. Today, few people remember that the railway boom in the USA in the second half of the 19th century was intellectually ensured by graduates of the Russian “Noble Corps” (the old name of the institute).
Nikolai Nekrasov completed the course brilliantly and was among the first to be sent to a two-year government internship to Europe with a scholarship of 2000 silver rubles.
In 1903-1905, he was on an internship in Germany and France: he got acquainted with the largest construction enterprises, objects and structures, and collected material for his dissertation.
Upon returning from a business trip abroad to a promising specialist offered a teaching position at the newly opened Tomsk Institute of Technology.
However, the young teacher could not start work for a long time. In 1905 everything educational establishments The Siberian city suspended the educational process due to mass student unrest.
In the same year, he was appointed acting extraordinary professor in the Department of Civil Engineering. At the same time, Nekrasov was a member of the institute’s council, a member of the student affairs committee and the library commission.
Now it is difficult to judge the scientific and pedagogical potential of the young professor, since in connection with the election to the 3rd State Duma
he left Tomsk a year later.
However, the short duration of teaching activity served as the basis for constant reproaches against Nikolai Vissarionovich.
So, in 1917, Yuri Lomonosov, a colleague at the department, wrote in his diary: “But the famous Nekrasov is a cadet, an idealist... Professor of statics of structures without difficulty. Familiar with the routes of communication from student records and from chatter in the Duma.”
"Chatter" in the Duma
On December 5, 1907, Nikolai Vissarionovich was elected as a deputy of the III State Duma from the Tomsk province. He leaves the institute and moves to St. Petersburg.
Nekrasov immediately “became famous” in the famous case of the Kolyvan merchants. During the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, the organizers of the famous Kolyvanov fair gave the chief engineer of the road, Garin-Mikhailovsky (the same populist writer), a bribe of one million gold rubles (!) so that he would change the route map and “make a detour of 150 versts” to Kolyvan. Naturally, the latter refused.
Then the merchants sent a delegation (lobbyists) to the Duma and came up with a similar proposal to Nekrasov. The deputy immediately “broke down.” He took the money, but... “did not resolve the issue.” The case received publicity in the press, and only parliamentary immunity saved the former engineer from prison.
Today it is known that if this shadow deal had taken place, then in the east of Russia there would not have been Novosibirsk - a city with a population of two million, which developed precisely thanks to railway.
The Tomsk professor stood at the origins of “Siberian regionalism” - maximum autonomy for a huge region within the Russian Empire. In the economic sphere, Nekrasov proposed the introduction of a free port at the mouths of the Ob and Yenisei to create “direct relations between Siberia and the world market.”
He opposed the government bill on land management in the East. In principle, recognizing the need to introduce private peasant ownership of land, he further made a significant reservation: “Even greater concerns are caused by the government’s intention with one stroke of the pen to carry out a grandiose revolution in the economic life of Siberia by the transition to private property. In this issue, it is necessary to separate the principled side - the desirability of changing the title of ownership and the very method of carrying out such a change. There is no doubt that replacing the right to use the right of ownership is extremely desirable in order to protect the interests of the old-timer population.”
In modern business language, Nekrasov proposed establishing one large collective farm in “Porto-Frankovsk” Siberia with its own system of taxation and management of all available resources (minerals, water, forests, etc.).
Nikolai Nekrasov’s “separatist” speeches from the Duma rostrum provoked, despite restraint, a violent reaction from the right side of the Duma. The leader of the Black Hundreds, Purishkevich, reacted especially emotionally, accusing the Siberians “of usurping power, striving to break Great Russia into small principalities and, to please the Freemasons, destroy a country that had been going for a thousand years...”.
For the sake of the Masons
Many researchers of the history of Masonic lodges believe that Nikolai Nekrasov was one of the prominent figures of Russian political Freemasonry, a member of the Supreme Council of the Great East of the Peoples of Russia, and in 1915 he was elected secretary of the Supreme Council of “all branches of the East.”
In this capacity, he worked closely with Alexander Kerensky, together with him he was part of the informal “Masonic Five” of such political figures as Konovalov, Tereshchenko and Efremov, who later became ministers of the Provisional Government.
In addition, he was a member of the Duma Masonic organization "Rose", which included representatives of various political parties - Vinogradov, Kokoshkin, Shingarev, N. S. Chkheidze and others.
The leaders of the parliamentary box set themselves the goal of “taking care of smoothing out various kinds of conflicts and contradictions between various factions in the State Duma and ensuring their joint performances.”
However, this was just a media slogan. In reality, the “free masons” lobbied for the interests of young transnational corporations, which before the First World War “set their sights” on pumping minerals from the depths of vast Siberia.
“Eastern separatism” of deputy Nekrasov is an ideological cover for the emerging global economy on Earth. Later, the baton of protecting the interests of transnational concessions will be taken over from Tomsk professor Lev Davydovich Trotsky, an active Freemason of the Scottish Lodge, who will distribute gold mines on the Lena River and the Kuznetsk coal basin for free (!) to foreign companies for development.
However, the “Masonic component” of deputy Nikolai Nekrasov was not the main motivation for his parliamentary activities. He languished in search of personal fame and glory.
In search of fame and glory
In 1914, Nikolai Vissarionovich turned 35 years old. The era of revolutionary upheavals throws into the upper echelons of the Russian political elite young people, radical prodigies born of the era of change. It is to this generation that a Mason with a professorial diploma can be attributed.
Vladimir Dmitrievich Nabokov (the writer’s father) and a colleague in the Duma faction spoke about Nekrasov this way: “But, obviously, his ethical qualities (I’m talking, of course, not about personal, but about socio-political ones) are not at the height of his intellectual qualities. For him, the era of social cataclysms provides an excellent opportunity for a career breakthrough as opposed to vegetating during a period of stabilization and peaceful development of society.”
1917 was the finest hour for the provincial professor. In many ways, he turned out to be more perspicacious than his colleagues, since on February 27, at a meeting of deputies of the State Duma, he spoke in favor of establishing a military dictatorship in the country led by one of the popular generals in the Duma, A. A. Polivanov.
Nekrasov joined the Provisional Government as Minister of Railways. The Menshevik Sukhanov, who observed him at that time, gave him the following description: “As a politician, he made a serious impression and showed the qualities, if not of a statesman, then of a state businessman. He grasped the situation perfectly, knew how to meet it halfway, and then showed the firmness of his hand.
His practical school of politics and keen eye were well combined with energy and efficiency. As a “statesman,” Nekrasov undoubtedly left behind the two most prominent figures of the first cabinet - Kerensky and Miliukov, of whom the first died from his impressionism and “messianicism,” and the second was a professor. But, from the point of view of the bourgeois elite, Nekrasov was young, not authoritative, and most importantly, he was too ambitious and was not fit to be a leader.”
The Masons did not accept Nikolai Vissarionovich Nekrasov into power. At the 8th Congress of Cadets on May 9, 1917, he sharply criticized Miliukov for his negative attitude towards the government coalition with the socialists and for his foreign policy course.
On May 27, he issued a circular on the joint activities of the railway administration with the railway workers' union: the latter was given the right of public control and monitoring of the work of railway workers and giving instructions to responsible persons.
At the end of June, as part of the government delegation, he participated in negotiations with the Ukrainian Central Rada and the preparation of a draft declaration, which was one of the reasons for the government crisis. “This scoundrel,” Miliukov said about Nekrasov in his memoirs, “did everything possible to shake the fragile balance of the government ship...”
In 1919, Nekrasov moved to Kazan. Here he was arrested and sent to Moscow, and in May, after a meeting with Lenin in the Kremlin, he was released and... sent to Soviet work.
On November 30, 1930, Nikolai Vissarionovich was arrested by the OGPU board and sentenced to 10 years in prison in the case of a “counter-revolutionary organization” of the Union Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (M).
While in prison, he participated in the construction of the White Sea-Baltic Canal. In March 1933, with the completion of the canal construction, he was released early, after which he worked as an employee on the construction of the Moscow-Volga canal.
On April 14, 1940, he was again arrested and convicted by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR on charges of wrecking the construction of the Moscow-Volga canal and organizing a counter-revolutionary terrorist group with the aim of killing the leaders of the CPSU (b).
On May 7, 1940, Nikolai Vissarionovich Nekrasov was shot in Butyrka prison. He is buried in a mass grave at the Donskoy Monastery cemetery.