All about car tuning

Igor Strelkov official page. Igor Strelkov: in contact. Life after fear

06/08/14. 19:45. Igor Ivanovich wrote a large review message.

“I came in specifically to write a few lines (fortunately, we’re still in a lull - they’re bringing in stolen shells).
Here I repeatedly read references to the question “why does Russia need to help those who don’t want to fight for themselves?” Like 90% of the residents of Slavyansk are sitting at home... And links to my statement - “Strelkov said it himself.”

I consider it my duty to clarify:

1. If we had plenty of weapons, then the Slavic militia alone would number several thousand fighters.

2. If we had the opportunity not only to arm (as well as dress and shoe) soldiers, but also to financially support their families at least at the level of the average local salary (and after all, people come to risk their lives!), then in Slavyansk we would already have division and would have stood in line for weapons.

3. If we had a rear (and for a warring army it is absolutely necessary), then we would already have mobilization, which would give tens of thousands of fighters - and people still working (and not lying on the couch, like a great many "office plankton" of Russian megacities, which have long forgotten what labor is industrial enterprises and in the mining industry), they would come to it en masse and readily.

There are always few volunteers. My appeal was NOT FOR THE RUSSIANS, BUT FOR THE DONBASS and was aimed at ensuring that there were a little more of them and that it achieved its goal. Now there are a lot of them, but we have neither weapons, nor shoes, nor uniforms so that we can put them in line.

The help that is coming from Russia now WAS NEEDED A MONTH AGO. THEN SHE COULD BE A GREAT SUCCESS. Now she is barely helping us to hold on, but without a chance to turn the situation in our favor, see my post about “chewing a certain substance by the Kremlin’s responsible officials.”
We have nothing, everything is late not even by days, but by weeks... And the Ukrainians, funny as it may seem, have long been ahead of us. Their car is clumsy, but it is now being driven by competent guys from overseas (however, I can imagine how they get mad and “climb the wall” because of Ukrop’s slowness and indifference - much like I do because of their Russian counterparts). And these guys kick the dilapidated car forward - crush it and wipe it off the face of the earth. And with the other hand they throw “temptations” to the Kremlin in the form of “partial payment for gas”, “negotiations”, etc. And the days turn into weeks, weeks into months... but there is still no real help and all the potential gained on the rise has long been wasted... The stick bends and bends, it cracks, but still bends... When it breaks miserably, it will be too late.

WE NEED RUSSIA'S HELP LIKE AIR! We are ready to die on the ruins of Slavyanka, but with the firm belief that our dead and wounded under unrequited howitzer fire are not in vain! And that the sacrifices are not in vain! And this faith breaks like stretched polyethylene in a storm wind - every day more and more.
And I would... no, I wouldn’t shoot the freaks who start talking about “the political and economic inexpediency for Russians to protect the South-East”! We have a standard punishment here - a “penal sapper company”... In Semyonovka, under fire, they dig trenches. That's where I would send them... For a week. So that they remember that they are first of all Russians, and only then “citizens of Russia.”

However, the military assistance that we could receive from Russia as part of “de facto recognition” is already too late. Now the question is either about “surrender with giblets” or about direct military support. Otherwise, with heavy fighting, covering columns of refugees, we will sooner or later find ourselves on Russian territory. Well, those who get there, of course... The Army of Dill is still a regular army, not a militia.

It’s not just the money itself that I want! We need the staff of the financial department of the logistics service of the headquarters, we need the logistics service itself, we need the headquarters itself... there is nothing like that - it all needs to be formed! We need a colossal set of measures, which we have not carried out since 1941-45. And without help Russian state there is no way to carry it out! Not at all! We need instructors, advisors... just competent people, in the end! And they should not be sent as “volunteers”, but officially - through an agreement. In the meantime, it’s not that we weren’t “recognized,” but that’s not even worth asking! That's the whole problem! Russia still views us as no more than a “rebellious part of Ukraine,” which it sympathizes with but does not have the right to openly help. With all the ensuing conclusions."

This is for those who like to accuse the Donetsk people of inaction and unwillingness to attack Ukrainian tanks with spears.

Here are the first points of my future program for the elections of the head of Novorossiya:

1. Any customs and border institutions on the Russian-Novorossiysk border on the part of Novorossiya are completely abolished as such.
2. Similarly, customs and border institutions between Lugansk, Donetsk and other republics that will become part of Novorossiya are abolished.
3. All border and customs authorities will be relocated to the Ukrainian border (in the future, on the territory of the Odessa People's Republic - also to the Romanian and Moldavian ones). In the event of continuation of hostilities, all military personnel and customs officials are temporarily transferred to the PS and TS reserve with immediate mobilization to the Armed Forces of Novorossiya.
4. Tougher penalties for drug trafficking to death penalty inclusive of the consideration of cases of this kind in a special expedited manner by a military court (the composition of the court is appointed personally by the head of the republic, and the head of the republic bears full responsibility for its activities).
5. After the election, the introduction of a provision into the constitution of Novorossiya is initiated, according to which the term of governance of Novorossiya by the Head is limited to 4 years with the possibility of a one-time extension for 2 years based on the results of a popular referendum. Repeated election of the same person to the highest office is prohibited forever. The law establishes the provision that at the next election of the Head of State, a plebiscite is simultaneously held to evaluate the performance of the previous one in the specified post according to 4 options: “unsatisfactory”, “satisfactory”, “positive”. If more than half of those who voted assess the management as “unsatisfactory,” the next head and the legislative body immediately create a special commission to organize an investigation into the activities of the head, the result of which should be an open trial with the participation of specially selected jurors, who are assigned the right to a final verdict of “guilty” or “not guilty.” If less than a quarter of the participants gave a “positive” assessment, the former head of the republic is prohibited from holding any public office in the future, including elected ones. Until the results of the plebiscite, the outgoing head of state is prohibited from crossing its borders even for a short time. A specially appointed parliamentary commission is responsible for the implementation of this provision.

P.S. - this is all within the framework of those very specific positive proposals, the absence of which I am regularly accused of.

Upon his return, Girkin plunges into the PSEUDO-monarchical movement. Beginning to promote to the throne of Russia the fascist underlings who overthrew Nicholas 2 and then served (Maria Hohenzolern, heiress of the Third Reich) to the fascists - the Hohenzolerns and their creature Nicholas 3 Leiningen) He already enjoys a certain authority as a veteran (among purely civilian monarchists ).

However, in the spring of 1993 he was drafted into the army. There is already trouble in Chechnya, and he asks to serve there, even brings a box of vodka to the military registration and enlistment office, but the military commissar, taking into account his state of health, sends him to an air defense unit in the Moscow region. Where Girkin endures all the hardships of hazing for a year, in fact, in the position of “lowered” (adjusted for the lack of homosexual contacts, at least there is no information about them).

Thus, the official military system deals a severe blow to Girkin’s psyche. After all, he asked to go to the front line, has combat experience - and he was humiliated in every way. So, in addition to the previous complexes, a new one is being formed - hostility and distrust towards the regular military, a hidden understanding that he cannot be equal to them, jealousy, disdain - an explosive cocktail, which is expressed in a tendency to insubordination, which will fully manifest itself in the Donbass.

Nevertheless, with all his disgust for the military system, he still does not see himself outside of war (because who cares about war, and Girkin’s mother is dear), and in 1995 he went to serve under a contract in Chechnya, in the self-propelled artillery (Akatsia). He fights as a loader, then as a gunner - again fighting in the absence of contact with the enemy.

Then - again a PSEUDO-monarchical party in the capital, other patriotic PSEUDO-PATRIOIC circles. During this period, he met Alexander Borodai, the future prime minister of the DPR.
He starts writing on the Antiques forum under the nickname Kotych, which he still does today
Girkin, under the nickname Kotych, confirms (excusing himself from his screenshots)
(Girkin rode on MayDOWN while studying the mechanism of revolution)

Girkin is not satisfied with talk, he strives to do at least some applied things, to form combat groups, in the hope that when power collapses, he will hang the enemies of the Motherland and take power. As a result, according to rumors, he turns out to be a recruited agent of one of the intelligence services and is engaged in informing against his comrades.

Almost simultaneously, he quickly marries, “on the fly,” as often happens with men who have remained virgins for a long time. The child is born with genetic abnormalities, and even then suspicions arise that this is Igor’s heredity, but he does not want to hear about it, he categorically refuses to undergo examination, and blames his wife for everything. As a result, a scandalous divorce occurs; Girkin prefers to forget about the “unsuccessful” child.

During the first three years of his service, he actively destroys his own comrades by conviction, transferring his previously secret activities to a professional basis. This inconvenient fact leaves his consciousness: partly he is blinded by the fact that he is now a real officer, with a uniform (that is, finally equal to those who bullied him), partly - he is contemptuous of many of his former comrades, believing that only he himself is the standard of a Russian patriot, and all means are good to increase his influence.

He is actually building a career not on the model of the White Guard officers, but on the model of Yevno Azef, a double agent, provocateur, working both for the special services and for the conspirators. Obviously, he cannot admit this to himself.

The fate of a sadist

The complexes are multiplying and overlapping each other: on the one hand, Girkin has finally officially entered the coveted caste, on the other, he feels himself behind enemy lines, having not abandoned plans to defeat the hated regime.

In 1999, he asked for an appointment to serve in the CTO zone in the North Caucasus. And he spends the next five years there.

His professional skills as a counterintelligence agent, according to a number of reviews, are extremely questionable, but he is characterized by pathological cruelty and sadistic methods of interrogation, as a result of which he receives “operational information.”

There is a story that in the course of implementing unverified information, Girkin organized the shooting of a cafe with visitors who were not involved in terrorists. The military prosecutor's office conducted an investigation, during which Girkin was removed from the staff.

Then, while in operational and military circles in the CTO zone, the call sign “Strelok” appears (previously, Girkin signed his military prose in the form of notes about Bosnia with the pseudonym “Igor Strelkov”).

The story of Igor’s second marriage takes place in Chechnya. He falls in love with a Chechen translator, 23-year-old Vera, who is married to a local policeman. Girkin organizes the detention and subsequent imprisonment of Vera’s husband, and takes the woman to his place, an act in the style of a cruel parody of the Caucasian traditions of bride kidnapping, “Caucasian Captive”. Vera's first marriage was never dissolved.

Amusing wound

A tendency begins to emerge - unpreparedness for equal relationships with women, the need to sublimate the inferiority complex, to dominate in relationships, hence the choice of an obviously younger and intellectually undeveloped, but attractive girl.

This marriage will produce two children, boys, both with genetic diseases. It will become obvious to everyone I know that the reason is Igor, for him the topic will be taboo, he will divorce Vera, and he will not actually provide help to the children.

The divorce occurred several years after returning from Chechnya to Moscow. The realities of existence in the central apparatus of the FSB DBT - the inability to maintain a career, and at least equal relations with colleagues, lack of money, disappointment in his wife and children - all this leads Girkin to an extremely depressed state, he begins to drink decently and systematically (although before the age of 30, in general didn't drink).

At the service he again oversees the patriotic movement. At times he tries to use official opportunities to work for strangers, however, having fallen into difficult situation threatening publicity and punishment, panics and refuses everyone.

There are only two outlets left: military-historical reconstruction and “literary creativity.” He is writing a book of romantic fairy tales for children.

He throws himself into reconstruction, spending all his money on this not-so-cheap hobby. In addition to period uniforms Patriotic War 1812 and the Civilian one, which he had previously, wears a WWII period uniform, creates a machine gun club, and purchases several models of Maxim machine guns. Also acquires Roman legionary armor.

In the summer of 2007, under tragicomic circumstances, he received a “wound” - damage to his lower leg from a shell fragment that exploded directly under the fire pit in the camp of Girkin and his comrades, who had come to excavate battle sites in Novgorod region(the so-called "Myasnoy Bor"). The old friend who took him out of the forest has since not wanted to communicate with him, citing Girkin’s “womanish behavior” as the reason for his refusal.

Girkin is delivered to Moscow by Boroday's specially sent driver; by this point, Girkin and Boroday are already long-time friends, but Girkin is developing another mania - rivalry with Boroday. The penniless Girkin receives regular assistance from Boroday, but behind his back he calls him a slippery businessman and a man who exchanged an idea for money. Borodai moves in political circles, but Girkin considers himself much more worthy for political activity.

At the beginning of 2013, Girkin actually came to a crisis. He is fired “without the right to wear a uniform.” The reason is that he was not tested by a psychologist (according to close people, he attacked the specialist with his fists, not wanting to answer questions about his sex life). Naturally, Girkin claims that the testing was rigged by Russia’s enemies and Western intelligence agencies.

Soon, Girkin’s old acquaintances call Boroday and ask him to place Girkin somewhere, otherwise he will become a drunkard. As a result, Borodai arranges for him to be the head of the security service of Konstantin Malofeev (the second time, at first Malofeev really doesn’t like Girkin).

Then the story begins with the tour of the Gifts of the Magi, Girkin ensures the safety of shrines in Kyiv and Crimea, and preparations for the Crimean Spring begin.

Russian spring

As soon as the adrenaline subsides after the forced march to Slavyansk and the occupation of the city, Girkin begins to experience ever-increasing stress. It consists of several factors:

Self-indulgence, the feeling of being a leader and commander, which is strongly fueled by the curtseys of the locals, who see in him the commander of the lead detachment of the Russian Army

The need to communicate with a large number of people, manage them, make decisions, and at least adequately respond to curtseys

A terrible fear of physical pain and death (in fact, for the first time he finds himself on the front line, with the prospect of encirclement and the unfolding of large-scale hostilities (which really begin soon)

As a result, Girkin locks himself in the SBU premises and the adjacent laundry building, and builds communication with others according to the principle of “Goodwin the Great and Terrible”: a minimum of direct contacts, monosyllabic meaningful answers, relatively normal communication only with a narrow circle of people who properly express their admiration for the "First". Behind this practice, he hides his inadequacy as a leader, which is confirmed by the personalities of those close to him (for example, Igor Druz, Vika-Vika, Igor Ivanov and others are either freaks or smooth-talking swindlers and thieves).

Having gained widespread fame for the first time and feeling his incipient popularity, Girkin actively enters the public space.

Escape from the front


Girkin’s tendency to insubordination and rejection of the system (since the system rejected him at one time) leads to a perverted form of entering the public space: Girkin does not want to enter the information space as the head of the DPR Ministry of Defense; his and his headquarters’ messages do not come as reports from the department or his units, but as private publications by Girkin under the pseudonym “Kotych” on an online forum for fans of reconstruction and military antiques.

That is, Girkin does not work in a team, does not associate himself with the republic, he has his own private opinion about everything. Girkin does not understand that in such a situation a member of the government cannot have a private opinion. He sees himself as the arbiter and measure of everything.

Girkin regularly makes video messages on the Internet, declaring that “there are few of us, we are fighting for the entire Donbass, there are no weapons.” This did not correspond to the real state of affairs. There were two reasons for these tragic statements:

Formation of one’s own heroic portrait of the “Knight of the Sad Image”, the only Hope of the Russian People

Preparing the ground for escape under the pretext that he has been abandoned by everyone (Girkin is already very scared, active hostilities are going on; he is also filled with the consciousness of the value of his person for history and sees his main task as preserving himself for Russia)

Strelkov’s management style in Slavyansk is characterized, on the one hand, by extremely inept command and passivity in the conduct of hostilities; on the other hand, extreme and unnecessary cruelty towards “suspicious persons” (mainly from among the local population, officials of the old administration). He also takes revenge on his comrades who are not loyal enough to him, as he himself thinks.

At the same time, Strelok, who is widely known in the media and the Internet, but is an insolvent figure (does not know the situation) cannot be called a real commander. A number of independent groups operating in the Slavic-Kramatorsk agglomeration are simply guided by him and interact with his people. Formally, Mozgovoy comes under the command of Strelok, but this is done largely for ideological reasons and has no real implementation. He manages the military forces in a criminally incompetent manner, given the losses.

By the time he left Slavyansk, Girkin’s psychological crisis had reached its peak. He spontaneously, contrary to orders, decides to flee, leaves quickly and secretly, abandoning some of his people and journalists.

The currently popular legend that Girkin came to restore order in Donetsk, which was about to be surrendered, is absolutely untrue. This version was born only in the fall of 2014, when Strelok had already been in Russia for a couple of months and began maintaining his reputation. In fact, Girkin is afraid to go to Donetsk, realizing that there will be many complaints against him.

Then Strelok has no choice but to go to Donetsk. A city of one million people with a difficult balance of power frightens Strelok; he still does not know how to build relationships with normal men, and therefore he is only formally considered the head of the DPR Defense Ministry and does not try to exercise his powers in relation to really strong commanders.

Panic and humiliation

Girkin commands only part of those who left Slavyansk. On the bayonets of the Slavs who remained faithful, Girkin turns his energy in the usual direction: he deals with the obviously weak, that is, with civilians.

In Donetsk, Girkin meets his current, third wife. The type is again the same: 21 years old, poorly educated, outwardly attractive, native of the Ivanovo region of the Russian Federation, Miroslava Reginskaya, who came to Donetsk to study, but actually only got a job at a nightclub. She works in the Prime Minister's Secretariat. Girkin is impressed by the girl, walks around her in circles, but she focuses on more brutal men. Miroslava accepts Girkin’s courtship only after leaving the Russian Federation, when she turns out to be of no use to anyone, according to the principle “for lack of anything better,” but quite soon she takes on the role of a fighting girlfriend of the savior of the Russian World. Girkin flees to Russia.

Life after fear

Psychological complexes and human character explain a lot in human destiny. But a person is one who is theoretically capable of rising above himself. At that moment, when the militia heroically fought with the nationalist battalions and the Ukrainian regular army, and the glory of the “300 Strelkovtsy” thundered in the Donbass, Girkin could make the most important choice in his life - to remain in history as a hero, and not as a petty provocateur. But it turned out that he was cruel enough to arrest people, provoke senseless victims, and was inflexible in torture and violence against those who were already in his power, “in the basement.” But he lacked his own determination and courage. A hero is one who sacrifices himself for a high goal, yes, often at the risk of others, but above all, facing the challenges of fate personally. But a provocateur - he only risks others. And when he realized that the “brilliant plan” had failed, he panicked and almost killed the entire militia. Girkin is unlikely to have another chance to overcome the trail of humiliation and complexes, and PR and political attempts will make him more and more ridiculous. Such is the fate of the imitator, the reenactor, the provocateur, who had a chance to become the hero of history, but who will remain the character of dirty and cruel jokes.

Vyacheslav Ponomarev, P the first mayor of the rebel Slavyansk,Mikhail Verin, To commander of the Russian Orthodox Army,Tamerlan Enaldiev, Tocommander of a separate Cossack regimentRepublican Guard of the DPR, pguard ataman of the Terek Cossack army

Here are the first points of my future program for the elections of the head of Novorossiya:

1. Any customs and border institutions on the Russian-Novorossiysk border on the part of Novorossiya are completely abolished as such.
2. Similarly, customs and border institutions between Lugansk, Donetsk and other republics that will become part of Novorossiya are abolished.
3. All border and customs authorities will be relocated to the Ukrainian border (in the future, on the territory of the Odessa People's Republic - also to the Romanian and Moldavian ones). In the event of continuation of hostilities, all military personnel and customs officials are temporarily transferred to the PS and TS reserve with immediate mobilization to the Armed Forces of Novorossiya.
4. Tougher penalties for drug trafficking up to and including the death penalty, with cases of this kind being considered in a special expedited manner by a military court (the composition of the court is appointed personally by the head of the republic, and the head of the republic bears full responsibility for its activities).
5. After the election, the introduction of a provision into the constitution of Novorossiya is initiated, according to which the term of governance of Novorossiya by the Head is limited to 4 years with the possibility of a one-time extension for 2 years based on the results of a popular referendum. Repeated election of the same person to the highest office is prohibited forever. The law establishes the provision that at the next election of the Head of State, a plebiscite is simultaneously held to evaluate the performance of the previous one in the specified post according to 4 options: “unsatisfactory”, “satisfactory”, “positive”. If more than half of those who voted assess the management as “unsatisfactory,” the next head and the legislative body immediately create a special commission to organize an investigation into the activities of the head, the result of which should be an open trial with the participation of specially selected jurors, who are assigned the right of final verdict "guilty" or "not guilty". If less than a quarter of the participants gave a “positive” assessment, the former head of the republic is prohibited from holding any public office in the future, including elected ones. Until the results of the plebiscite, the outgoing head of state is prohibited from crossing its borders, even for a short time. A specially appointed parliamentary commission is responsible for the implementation of this provision.

P.S. - this is all within the framework of those very specific positive proposals, the absence of which I am regularly accused of.

My comment is traditional - apart from “Potemkin villages” and false facades made of papier-mâché, the “chicks of Surkov’s nest” do not know how to do anything, do not want to and never will. A swindler will always remain a swindler until he is (forcibly) provided with a prison uniform, given a pick and sent to socially useful (in war conditions - trench) work under the supervision of a very sympathetic machine gunner, waiting for the slightest reason to “thank” the worker rear for previous good deeds.

The military considers will to be the main trait of a commander, followed by prudence, moderation and self-control. When the military-political conflict in Donbass (Ukraine) was just beginning to flare up in 2014, Igor Strelkov showed all these qualities. Strelkov’s role is complex and ambiguous, but his contribution to the formation of Donbass as a separate republic is extremely great.

Childhood and youth

Girkin Igor Vsevolodovich (better known as Strelkov Igor Ivanovich) was born in Moscow on December 17, 1970. Considering the military career of Igor Vsevolodovich, the facts of his biography are not advertised. According to unofficial information, Igor Vsevolodovich’s father is also a military man by profession. From early childhood, Girkin was interested in history. The boy studied diligently, read with pleasure, for which he received the offensive nickname “nerd” among his peers.

Having received a basic education at Moscow school No. 249, the young man at the age of 18 became a student at the State Institute of History and Archives in Moscow. A year later, the young man developed a hobby that was rare for that time - military-historical reconstruction.

Military service

Having received a diploma about higher education, Igor did not work even a day in his specialty - the young man chose to follow in his father’s footsteps. Igor's military career began in 1992 as a Cossack army shooter and mortar gunner. At the same time, Girkin visited the war for the first time: first in Transnistria, then in Bosnia. Upon his return, the young man published a "Bosnian Diary" with notes about the events of that period and personal experience.


The young man served in the air defense forces as a gunner in a security company. Having started his service as a private, by June 1994 Girkin received the rank of junior sergeant. After serving his military service, the young man remained in the army, but under a contract as a platoon deputy and commander of the Arcadia self-propelled artillery unit. After only 5 months, Igor received the rank of guard sergeant.

In 1995, Igor Girkin gained serious experience of real combat operations by going to the Chechen Republic. Returning from the war, in 1996, Igor joined the Federal Security Service as an investigator (at the same time he received the rank of lieutenant). Simultaneously with his work, Igor took courses at the FSB, after which he received a promotion, taking the position of deputy head of the department (with the rank of senior lieutenant).


Igor Strelkov in the army

From 1999 to 2005, Girkin visited the Chechen and Dagestan republics in order to fight the gangster underground and terrorism. By December 2005, Igor Vsevolodovich received the rank of colonel. For his contribution to the fight against terrorism, Girkin was awarded the Order of Courage and a medal.

In 2005, Igor Vsevolodovich was transferred to Moscow, where he worked in Federal Service Security until 2013. In 2013, Igor Vsevolodovich was dismissed due to length of service. Girkin's total length of service military service was 18.5 years.


Igor Strelkov in Chechnya

Returning to Moscow, Igor Vsevolodovich remembered his youthful hobby and became the leader of the Combined Machine Gun Team, created on the basis of the military-historical club “Moscow Dragoon Regiment”. The main goal of the organization was the reconstruction of historical battles, in which Igor gladly took part, most often in the lower military ranks.

Donbass period

In February 2014 (a month before the referendum on the status of the peninsula), Igor Vsevolodovich was appointed to the position of freelance adviser to the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Crimea. At the same time, Igor Vsevolodovich headed a separate volunteer special forces battalion, ensuring the establishment of Russian power on the peninsula after the referendum.


The intensification of hostilities in the Donbass forced Girkin to take the post of commander of the DPR militia on April 12, 2014. On April 12, Girkin (under the pseudonym Strelkov) with a team of armed people and activists occupied the administration building of the city of Slavyansk (Donetsk region), announcing the annexation of the city to the Donetsk People's Republic. For three months there were battles for the city, and on July 5, Strelkov, at the head of his group, was forced to leave the city, handing it over to the Ukrainian authorities.

After the referendum on May 11, 2014, according to the results of which the Donetsk People's Republic was proclaimed, Igor Ivanovich Strelkov was appointed to the post of Minister of Defense of the DPR. But two months later, on May 15, 2014, Strelkov left the territory of the DPR, leaving for the Russian Federation.


In his speech, Igor Ivanovich voiced the reason for his departure as a political decision on the part of the authorities. According to the ex-leader of the militia, the Russian government betrayed the people of Donbass. At the same time, the former Minister of Defense of the DPR emphasized that he continues to closely monitor the fate of the Republic, especially war crimes by Ukraine.

The pseudonym Strelkov was chosen by Girkin not out of fear of political persecution and a desire to remain incognito, but based on the fact that this surname is easier to remember and reflects the owner’s connection with military affairs. Although entire fortunes are often made in war, Igor Ivanovich Strelkov always emphasizes that he does not even have a personal car, and donates most of his finances to charity and an old hobby - military-historical reconstructions.

Social movement "Novorossiya"

After leaving the territory of the Donetsk People's Republic in May 2014, Strelkov took up organizational activities in the Novorossiya social movement. The official website of the movement reflects information about its activities: the leader’s analytical notes on the military-political situation in the world, fundraising and organizing events to provide assistance to victims on the territory of the DPR, the population and the army of the republic. Help is provided in the form of food, clothing, and medicine.


Igor Strelkov organized the Novorossiya movement

The main and only goal of the movement and Strelkov as a leader is to help the people of Donbass. Novorossiya has nothing to do with politics. Igor Strelkov expressed his opinion in an interview posted on the official website of Novorossiya that in the armed conflict in the Donbass, the fate of not Kyiv and Donetsk, but Russia, is being decided.

Personal life

Almost nothing is known about the personal life of the ex-minister of the Donetsk People's Republic. Igor Vsevolodovich Girkin is married to Miroslava Reginskaya. Miroslava helps her husband in all endeavors, has an active political position and is a member of the Novorossiya social movement, headed by Girkin. The married couple has a daughter, Ulyana Igorevna Girkina. The baby was born in August 2016.


The family devotes all their free time to socio-political problems and work in Novorossiya, and Igor and Miroslava spent a short vacation on the Crimean peninsula.

Igor Strelkov now

As Igor Ivanovich Strelkov emphasizes, now the main goal of his activities is the organization of humanitarian assistance to the people of Donbass. In addition, Girkin, within the framework of the Novorossiya OA project, also deals with socio-political problems in Russia.

So, on October 28, 2017, members social movement took part in the congress of national-patriotic forces of Russia, where they discussed the creation of a Team of People's Leaders. The purpose of creating the Team is the planned reform of the economic and social policies of the Russian Federation by combating corruption, nationalizing strategically important resources and electing local Councils.


According to Strelkov, the Novorossiya OD is a third force along with official authority and the opposition. As for the comrades in the fight for Donetsk People's Republic, then here too Igor Ivanovich is opposed to other parties to the conflict.

Thus, in October 2017, a skirmish occurred on the Internet between Strelkov and the former Prime Minister of the DPR, now the head of the Union of Donbass Volunteers, Alexander Borodai. Alexander Yuryevich in an interview called the appointment of Strelkov to the post of Minister of Defense of the DPR in 2014 a personnel “mistake.”


In addition to political issues, the OD "Novorrossiya" is also engaged in solving social problems in Donbass. Strelkov and his team publish reports on monthly humanitarian assistance to the people of the DPR on the official website of the movement, as well as on the page in