How are preparations going for the elections of the head of Dagestan? Secret nomination of Vladimir Vasiliev as a candidate for the post of head of Dagestan The main contender for the post of president of Dagestan

While Ramazan Abdulatipov is preparing for spring, preparing to radically plow the political field of the republic, Moscow is already deciding who will lead the republic after Abdulatipov. Despite the reputation spoiled by “planting winter crops,” Abdulatipov, gathering the remnants of his will, is trying to rectify his position, which is no longer as triumphant as a year ago, hoping with one political multi-step to preserve his proud figure in the political field of Dagestan for another couple of years.
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The main reason for the quick replacement of Abdulatipov was that the terrorism case against Amirov was falling apart and on February 28, he, not without the indirect participation of Abdulatipov, would be released from prison under house arrest. According to information leaked from Abdulatipov’s entourage, he stated in the Kremlin that Amirov’s release from the pre-trial detention center cannot worsen the situation in the republic. Apparently there will be no real prison term in another case - on charges of murder of investigator Gadzhibekov. But in order not to return Amirov to Dagestan on a triumphal chariot, Moscow nevertheless decided to give him a suspended sentence for economic violations in the Makhachkala administration, which the Accounts Chamber finally “found” on the fifth attempt last year.

Having learned about Amirov’s release, the head of the Dagestan pension fund Sagid Murtazaliev refused to return from Dubai and, having gutted another briquette of cocaine, in narcotic horror, awaits guests from Dzhangamakha, Amirov’s ancestral village, completely forgetting about his political ambitions to occupy the chair of the head of the Republic, at a maximum, or the head of the city of Makhachkala, at a minimum. Alas, he has already become a burden for all those (including Abdulatipov himself) on whom he relied, entering the war with the most powerful clan of Dagestan.

At the same time, the guilty verdict and suspended sentence that awaits Amirov for economic violations in the city administration will finally put an end to the protracted leapfrog around the seat of the Makhachkala mayor, and all the political heavyweights of Dagestan are already preparing for early mayoral elections.

The first to prepare for them is the temporarily appointed acting mayor, Murtazali Rabadanov, who has already understood the affairs of the administration and has shared his desire to continue working in this field with his old friend Alexei Kudrin, who is already lobbying for his candidacy in the Kremlin. Not expecting such a turn from Rabadanov, who was initially positioned as a transitional compromise figure, Abdulatipov tried to appease Rabadanov’s appetites in the Kremlin through his patron Vyacheslav Volodin, who, as an experienced apparatus intriguer, initially began to cut off Kudrin’s influence on Russian President V.V. Putin. To do this, Volodin leaked information about Kudrin as one of the financiers of the opposition TV channel Dozhd, which fell into the harsh Kremlin millstones of disgrace due to an inappropriate vote on the blockade of Leningrad. Moreover, it was Volodin himself who arranged the disgrace in order to further soil Kudrin. But Volodin failed to betray Kudrin to Putin, and now Abdulatipov is forced to walk with Rabadanov around Makhachkala, jointly inspecting the ruins of Buinakskaya Street.

The second, and in fact the most promising candidate for mayor, was deputy Rizvan Kurbanov, who is supported by both high-ranking generals from the central apparatus of the FSB of the Russian Federation, and in the Office of the President of the Russian Federation itself at the level of such a figure as Oleg Plokhoi, who is the leader of, although new, but together with including the most influential Anti-Corruption Office. In addition to these administrative resources, Rizvan Kurbanov also has fairly close contact with V.V., who is close to Putin. reputable entrepreneur Zarakh Iliev. This Zarakh Iliev is a partner of Kurbanov’s close friend, Dagestan businessman Omar Murtazaliev, in the ownership of the Moscow shopping complex “Sadovod” and “Moskva”. The recent unsuccessful “attack” of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation on these structures, which was followed by the traces of the Dagestan White House and the Dagestan Ministry of Internal Affairs, was easily repulsed, including thanks to Rizvan Kurbanov’s strong connections in the security bloc at the federal level.

The most interesting thing is that Dagestan White House and the Dagestan Ministry of Internal Affairs, acting separately from each other, almost simultaneously hit the same places - the largest wholesale vegetable base "Pokrovskaya", which is the business empire of the Dagestan brothers Gadzhiev-Isaev, whose clan includes the head of the Dagestan Rosselkhozbank , and in these largest shopping complexes “Sadovod” and “Moscow”. And the initiators were motivated by completely different reasons. Thanks to all his resources and capabilities, Kurbanov is guaranteed to be able to help Abdulatipov restore order in Makhachkala and the Republic and resolve the issue of fighting extremism, if, of course, Abdulatipov manages to retain his position. This is important for Abdulatipov and for keeping under control Amirov, who will later be released from custody, who most likely has his own accounts not only with Sagid Murtazaliev, but also with Abdulatipov himself and Volodin, who managed to create a split between the Kremlin and Amirov in the spring of 2013, preparing his imminent arrest.

Another contender who has his own views on the seat of the mayor of the capital is the current head of the Federal Compulsory Compulsory Migration Service of the Russian Federation for the Republic of Dagestan, Magomed Suleymanov, who, with the tenacity of a sailor, continues to chart his course for the seat of the Prime Minister with an intermediate anchorage in the administration of the city of Makhachkala. The naval persistence is caused rather by the amount already spent, which migrated from the bins of the Compulsory Medical Insurance Fund to the personal bins of Abdulatipov’s son-in-law Musaev Magomed. Rightly considering himself “thrown away,” Magomed Suleymanov, after Abdulatipov’s appointment of Abdusamad Hamidov to the post of Prime Minister, began to lead his own party, hoping to attract attention to himself by interfering with other participants in this mayoral marathon. By this method, he hopes to enter into negotiations and force him to return the money he spent.

The former Prime Minister Magomed Abdullaev managed to create a big problem for Abdulatipov, whom Abdulatipov considered a complete “zero” and simply wanted to throw him out from the post of rector of DagGosPedUniversity, replacing him with his distant relative. To do this, he instructed the Minister of Education and Science of the Republic of Dagestan Shakhabas Shakhov, whose broken ears reveal him to be more of an athlete than an intellectual, and Prime Minister Gamidov, to ensure victory in the upcoming elections of the rector of DagGosPedUniver for the husband of his niece Tagir. Without bothering to look for any complex combinations, these two great strategists resorted to a forceful attack on the rector Magomed Abdullaev at the level of a gop-stop, as simple as a chintz handkerchief with polka dots. Experienced Abdullaev immediately went to his friend Dmitry Medvedev, where he told about Abdulatipov’s desire to employ his relative, openly spitting on the long-standing friendship of Abdullaev and the country’s prime minister, about whose friendship Abdullaev had repeatedly warned Abdulatipov and his entourage.

Angered by such disrespect for his friends, Medvedev unleashed a flurry of emotions on Ziyavudin Magomedov, who in turn demanded an explanation from Abdulatipov about the situation. Abdulatipov, in his characteristic manner of a party apparatchik, immediately identified Gamidov and Shakhov as the initiators and executors of this attack, simultaneously explaining that the proposal to employ a relative came from Shakhov himself, and he, Abdulatipov, simply without going into the situation supported the proposal and nothing more. It was probably really Shakhov’s own initiative to nominate Abudlatipov’s relative for the position of rector. Knowing better than anyone else this weakness of the President of the Republic of Dagestan, pushing his relatives and friends everywhere. And the reason for Shakhov’s reverent concern for Abdulatipov’s relative lies in the desire of the minister with broken ears to hide the loose ends of the thefts discovered by Abdulaev amounting to almost 200 million rubles during the period of rectorship at DagGosPedUniver of Shakhov himself.

Medvedev, pretending to be satisfied with the explanations, nevertheless coveted the heads of Gamidov and Shakhov, demanding that they resign. Abdulatipov, painfully coming up with words of consolation for Abdusamad Hamidov and Shakhabas Shakhov, who appeared in the scandal surrounding the Pedagogical University, was already planning to dissolve the government, until at the last moment the “scoundrel Gadzhi Batyrov” announced this to the whole world. After this drain, Abdulatipov found himself in a situation where any new move would lead to a worsening of his position. No longer having the opportunity to beautifully merge the Hamid government, he found himself in even greater embarrassment by carelessly delivering his Address to the People's Assembly.

In this Message, he instructed the government of the republic to prepare a plan for the creation of a republican oil production company, which was immediately reported to the head of Rosneft, Igor Sechin. For his desire to create this oil company, Gadzhi Makhachev has already paid with his life, who died in a car accident due to a heart attack that happened to him after a visit on the eve of the accident Investigative Committee. The reason for the visit to the grim building in Tekhnichesky Lane was related to the searches that had taken place in the Rosreestr Office for the Republic of Dagestan, which is headed by Adam Amirilaev, Makhachev’s son-in-law. And the searches themselves were connected with the information Sechin received that Makhachev, through his son-in-law, issued “greenbacks” to trusted persons for some former Dagneft real estate, which he skillfully removed from the ownership of Rosneft-Dagneft. It was these objects that were supposed to become the foundation of the oil company being created, in exchange for shares for the Makhachev clan and the newborn Abdulatipov clan.

Abdulatipov, knowing full well why Sechin ordered a criminal case to be opened against the Makhachevs, took a risk and earned himself a new dangerous enemy. To justify himself to the enraged Sechin for his careless Message, Abdulatipov again remained true to himself and blamed everything on Deputy Prime Minister Nasrutdinov, as the initiator and main generator of the idea of ​​​​creating a local oil and gas company. And already under the guise of Nasrutdinov’s detention, he leaked Rizvan Gazimagomedov with Marat Ilyasov, telling Sechin that they, too, had misled him about oil production, and told the people something vague about the sale of gas networks.. Shocked by such an incomprehensible leak, Marat Ilyasov gave in anger a frank interview with the Chernovik newspaper, and the more perspicacious Gazimagomedov, realizing what was going on, remained silent. After all, besides Abdulatipov himself, only Gazimagomedov spoke publicly about the oil-producing company, which is why he became a scapegoat, and Marat Ilyasov, as the Minister of State Property, became an appendage, as a person who did not keep track of the land plots under which the oil fields. Having reassured Sechin with these sacrifices and letting him know that the idea of ​​a local oil and gas company would be quietly drained and forgotten by him, Abdulatipov took a breath and wanted to start trying again to untie the Gordian knot around the situation with the elections of the mayor of Makhachkala and the need for the resignation of Hamidov’s government.

Abdulatipov is catastrophically short of time to get out of the current problems and with his panicky jerks he is driving himself deeper and deeper into this swamp. Trying to solve the bulk of the problems at once, he came to the decision to carry out another political multi-step. As a result of this reshuffle, Rizvan Kurbanov should become the mayor of Makhachkala, which in theory will provide Abdulatipov with the support of the new FSB leadership for Dagestan, which will soon be headed by General Mironov, who is close to Rizvan Kurbanov. This general is part of an influential group of senior officials of the Russian FSB involved in the fight against extremism and terrorism. It was this group that recently managed to consolidate its position in another hot spot of the North Caucasian Federal District - Kabardino-Balkaria, bringing Kokova to the leadership of the republic there to replace Kanokova.

With this reshuffle, Abdulatipov has a chance to solve all his problems and retain the position of Head of the Republic until the end of his term, and he needs to hurry, because the Office of the President of the Russian Federation is already holding consultations on four candidates to be submitted to Vladimir Putin for consideration to replace Abdulatipov. Among them is the head of the Dagestan Department of the Federal Treasury of the Russian Federation, Saigidgusein Magomedov, whom he lobbies former manager Border Service of the FSB of the Russian Federation Vladimir Pronichev. The second candidate was Senator Ilyas Umakhanov, who is supported by the Chairman of the Federation Council Valentina Mativenko and against whom Abdulatipov’s PR team has already begun leaking incriminating evidence. The third candidate is State Duma deputy Rizvan Kurbanov with the greatest chance of approval and supported by high-ranking generals from the central apparatus of the FSB of the Russian Federation, who, in the wake of the fight against terrorism, have already brought their protege Yuri Kokov to power in Kabardino-Balkaria. The fourth candidate is being lobbied by Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu; he is the head of the North-West Regional Center of the Russian Ministry of Emergency Situations, Colonel General of the Internal Service Shamsutdin Dagirov. Which of them will lead Dagestan will most likely be known in March, if Abdulatipov does not manage to seize the initiative earlier and enter into an alliance with the most promising candidates.

On September 9, elections for the head of the republic are due to take place in Dagestan. The election campaign has not yet entered the active phase. But you shouldn’t expect any serious battle between candidates with loud promises and distribution of gifts to the population. Deputies of the People's Assembly will elect the head of the region, and four political parties will select candidates. “New Business” decided to remind how the elections will be held, and found out from the parties how the work of selecting candidates is going.

According to Article 76 of the Constitution of Dagestan, a citizen of Russia who has reached the age of 30, has passive voting rights and does not have foreign citizenship can be elected head of the republic. The head of the region is elected for five years and cannot hold this position for more than two consecutive terms.

By federal law“On the general principles of organization of legislative and executive bodies state power subjects of Russia,” the population was given back universal equal and direct rights in electing the highest official in the region. But... the same law stipulates that regions can take a different route - electing a head by parliamentary vote. Dagestan was the first to take advantage of this right. Five years ago, 86 out of 88 deputies had already voted for Ramazan Abdulatipov. This year they will also have to choose a new head. Voting is secret; the one for whom the majority votes will be considered elected.

In April, parliamentarians of the republic introduced changes to the republican law, clarifying the date of the elections of the head of Dagestan - the second Sunday of September of the year in which the term of office of the head expires. If a senior official resigns early before July 1, then elections for a new leader must take place in the same year. If he resigns after July 1, then the elections are postponed to September next year.

The president signed the decree on the resignation of the leader of Dagestan Ramazan Abdulatipov on September 27, 2017. Thus, the elections of the head should take place on September 9, 2018.

Political parties that have entered the regional parliament and the State Duma have the right to select candidates for the post of head of the republic. There are three political parties represented in the Dagestan parliament: United Russia", "A Just Russia", Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In addition to these parties, the LDPR is also represented in the State Duma. Thus, four parties can propose their candidates for the highest post in Dagestan. They have the right to propose to the President of Russia no more than three candidates, who do not necessarily have to be members of this party. But before making proposals to the president, the party is obliged to consult with all registered parties. Proposals for candidacies are submitted to the president no later than 40 days before voting day.

From the entire list presented, the head of state selects three people and submits them for consideration to the People's Assembly of Dagestan. He must do this no later than 20 days before voting day.

How they select

"United Russia". Unfortunately, it was not possible to find out how the ruling party is preparing for the elections of the head of Dagestan. At the reception of the party branch they reported that all communications with the press go only through the press service. However, the press service did not answer phone calls for two days.

"A Just Russia". “A Just Russia” intends to take an active part in the elections of the head of the republic, said Kamil Davdiev, chairman of the Council of the Dagestan branch of the party.

“The final decision on the nomination of candidates is made by the central council of the party. But the regional office can make its own proposals. This is all discussed at the presidium of the central council and then submitted to the president of the country for consideration.

We are currently working on selecting candidates. We will take an active part in this matter and propose our candidates. We will do everything to ensure that the party leadership accepts our proposals,” Davdiev noted. He also clarified that it is too early to talk about specific names.

“We already have certain thoughts, but it’s too early to voice them. We will also consider the candidates proposed to us by non-parliamentary parties. And we will make our decision at the council of the regional branch. But our candidates will definitely be reputable people who have work experience, have an idea about the republic and see its long-term prospects,” Davdiev said.

Communist Party of the Russian Federation. At the last presidential elections in Dagestan in 2013, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation refused to nominate its candidates, calling this process a “staged performance.” The party has not yet decided what decision will be made on this issue for the upcoming elections of the head of the republic, the first secretary of the republican committee of the Dagestan republican branch of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Mahmud Makhmudov, told New Business.

“We have a reporting and election conference scheduled for this Saturday. We must first carry it out and elect it. new line-up. He will have to resolve all the issues at hand. For now, we have not discussed the issue of participation in the elections. I think that after the conference we will consult with the party leadership in Moscow. It is more their prerogative to nominate candidates. The regional office can only recommend,” he said

LDPR. Another party, the LDPR, whose representatives are not in the People's Assembly of the republic, but its members were elected to State Duma seventh convocation, intends to recommend to the president its candidates for the post of head of Dagestan. Madina Ibragimova, deputy coordinator of the Dagestan regional branch of the LDPR, spoke about this.

“We cannot name specific names yet. The list of candidates will definitely be approved by the LDPR Supreme Council. We have now begun to prepare for the election campaign. And we will participate not only in the elections of the head of the republic, but also of city and city deputies rural settlements", she noted.

Director of the Center for Islamic Studies of the North Caucasus Ruslan Gereev said that Colonel General Sergei Melikov is the main candidate, but may not agree with this appointment.

“Change the federal key position of a security officer for a regional subsidized republic, in which there is nothing but poverty and problems? There is no industry or branch on which to rely and develop further. The republic must be raised from scratch. We must understand that our debts are the same as the republic’s budget,” the expert noted in an interview with NSN.

Gereev also recalled that Sergei Melikov, previously the presidential plenipotentiary envoy in the North Caucasus federal district, is undoubtedly familiar with the situation in Dagestan, but the main question is different.

“The main question here is the specifics of the region. Will he get into it? Because he was brought up and grew up outside of Dagestan. Will he agree to move to the region, leaving his federal position? These are the questions that arise. If everything is resolved, then Dagestanis expect the new head of the republic to improve the quality of life, its everyday aspects, economic issues, and so on. In addition, the region, like other regions of Russia, needs to be fully developed, because the war is over and the threat of terrorism is not as critical as before. Therefore, we need to invest in development, invest. This is what is missing now,” the expert said.

Gereev also said that there are many worthy people in Dagestan who could take the position of head of the region.

“The fact is that immigrants - one way or another - are connected by certain clans and ethnic structures. In certain parts this is good, because, again, the specifics of the region are such that it is necessary to take into account the mentality of the people, representatives of different ethnic cultures. Previously, our city council had “quotas” - there were representatives of all nationalities of the republic. To date, this principle has been abandoned, but nothing has been offered in return. Therefore, each time representatives of one or another ethnic group dominated, and this irritated other nationalities who found themselves pushed to the periphery. Their problems were not solved at all. Within the republic, certain areas flourished and municipalities. If there are equal rights, equal treatment, then it does not matter at all who will lead Dagestan. The main thing is that everything is according to the law and for the benefit of the Dagestanis,” the expert added.

Deputy Director of the Russian Guard Sergei Melikov is being considered as the main candidate for the post of head of Dagestan, four sources told RBC

Sergey Melikov (Photo: Sergey Savostyanov / TASS)

The main candidate for the post of the new head of Dagestan was Deputy Director of the Russian Guard Sergei Melikov, who previously served as presidential envoy to the North Caucasus Federal District. This was told to RBC by two sources close to the leadership of Dagestan, and confirmed by two interlocutors close to the Kremlin.

“Melikov is the most likely candidate, he is a security official, knows the region well and is respected there,” a source close to the Kremlin told RBC. “90% are Melikov,” added an RBC interlocutor close to the Dagestan authorities, answering the question of who can lead the republic. Another source close to the leadership of Dagestan described Melikov as “a figure equidistant from the clans in the republic.”

RBC's source in the Russian Guard noted that if Melikov is considered as a candidate, this is due to his origin, since he is half Lezgin. Moreover, he was born and raised outside the republic. This is the case when, on the one hand, he seems to be a “national cadre,” and on the other, a “harsh person.” “We must, of course, take into account his current position and his existing experience as a plenipotentiary envoy,” noted RBC’s interlocutor.

“Firstly, I can neither confirm nor deny this, and secondly, as a result, I cannot comment,” the director’s adviser told RBC Federal service National Guard troops Alexander Khinshtein.

According to sources, the deputy head of the Kremlin administration is being considered for the same post. ex-president of the Republic Magomedsalam Magomedov and the head of the Academy of the State Fire Service of the Ministry of Emergency Situations Shamsutdin Dagirov.

A representative of Magomedsalam Magomedov told RBC that the deputy head of the presidential administration was on a “working trip” and promised to forward RBC’s questions to him. RBC sent an official request to the head of the Academy of the State Fire Service of the Ministry of Emergency Situations of Russia Shamsutdin Dagirov.

Senator from the republic and vice-speaker of the upper house Ilyas Umakhanov also visited the presidential administration regarding the issue of reshuffles in Dagestan, noted RBC’s interlocutor in the Federation Council. But he refused the offer to lead the republic, added a source close to the head of the republic, Ramazan Abdulatipov. Umakhanov’s assistant Mikhail Chernyshov told RBC that the senator would not comment on the situation with the resignation of the head of Dagestan until the presidential decree appears. He also could not confirm or deny the information that Umakhanov participated in an interview for the post of head of the region in the presidential administration. The senator himself did not answer RBC's calls and messages.

On Thursday, September 28, the head of Dagestan will make an address regarding his resignation, and the name of his successor is expected to be made public this same week, noted an RBC source in his entourage. He emphasized: when going on vacation the day before, Abdulatipov warned his entourage that there would be no resignation .

On the morning of Wednesday, September 27, RBC sources said that Abdulatipov was urgently summoned to the presidential administration, where they offered him a number of positions and discussed with him the candidacy of a possible successor. “It was unexpected for him, no one knew. The head of the republic expected to work it out to the end,” a source close to him told RBC. Abdulatipov, according to the source, did not express wishes for successors and wrote a statement “according to at will" Later, the head of the republic confirmed the information about the resignation in an interview with Moscow Says.

Director of the Center for Economic and Political Reforms Nikolai Mironov associated the resignation with the Kremlin’s policy of rejuvenating personnel (Abdulatipov is 71 years old) and the head’s insufficient management skills. An RBC source close to the leadership of the region added that the low ratings of the head of the republic, numerous conflicts and the “corrupt atmosphere” in Dagestan played in favor of the resignation.

MOSCOW, August 19 – RIA Novosti. Russian President Vladimir Putin proposed the acting president of the republic Ramzan Abdulatipov, the head of the Accounts Chamber of the republic Malik Bagliev and the local ombudsman Ummupazil Omarova for the post of head of Dagestan, the Kremlin press service reported on Monday.

"President of Russia V.V. Putin submitted to the People's Assembly of the Republic of Dagestan the following candidates for election to the position of President of the Republic of Dagestan: 1. Abdulatipov R.G. - Acting President of the Republic of Dagestan. 2. Bagliev M.D. - Chairman of the Accounting Office Chamber of the Republic of Dagestan. 3. Omarova U.A. – Commissioner for Human Rights in the Republic of Dagestan,” the message says.

Elections in Dagestan will be held on September 8, the head of the subject will be elected by deputies of the national assembly from three candidates nominated by the President of Russia.

Vladimir Putin on Monday also proposed candidates for the post of head of another North Caucasus republic - Ingushetia.

How Abdulatipov came to power in Dagestan

At the end of January, Russian President Vladimir Putin prematurely dismissed the head of Dagestan, Magomedsalam Magomedov, and appointed him deputy head of the Kremlin administration. Abdulatipov was appointed acting head of the republic. The head of state set him the task of forming “an effective team, balanced, including in terms of the ethnic component.”

How Dagestan refused direct elections of the head of the republic

In April, members of the parliament of Dagestan decided that they would choose the leader of the republic themselves. Dagestan became the first refusenik region, followed by Ingushetia. Deputies spoke out against the abandonment of popular elections People's Assembly Dagestan from the parties of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and "Patriots of Russia". However, in the end, against their will, they became one of those 90 residents of Dagestan (deputies of parliament) who would choose the head of the region.

Why do the Caucasian republics refuse elections?

“I experienced several direct elections of our leaders - it was an orgy, a general, open and unscrupulous bribery of the population. And today the loudmouths are again saying that direct elections need to be held (in Ingushetia) - I think, with only one purpose - to somehow make money ", said the Head of the Public Chamber of Ingushetia, Movlat-Girey Dzagiev.

How will the September elections in Dagestan and Ingushetia end?

RIA Novosti columnist Vadim Dubnov: “If the center actually tries to establish order in Dagestan to one degree or another by establishing a previously under-established vertical of power, it may get new intrigue here and new layout strength It’s easier with Ingushetia. The political process here has long been completed, as if everyone agreed that there are no options for further independent development.”