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Samosa dictatorship. It's a son of a bitch, but it's our son of a bitch. "Effective Control" by Anastasio Somoza

Anastasio Garcia Somoza

Somoza, Somoza Garcia Anastasio (1.2.1896, San Marcos - 29.9.1956), Nicaraguan statesman, general (1926). The son of a wealthy coffee plantation owner. He received his education in Nicaragua, then in Philadelphia (USA). Returning to Nicaragua, he married a representative of the wealthy and very influential Debail family. He took part in the removal of President A. Diaz (1926). Under President X. Moncada (1928-32), he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs and translator for the US Marine Expeditionary Force in Nicaragua. In 1932, the Americans, leaving Nicaragua, appointed S. commander of the National Guard, which was just beginning to be created. Relying on the loyal military, S. overthrew President X. Baptiste Sacasa (who was the uncle of S.'s wife) in 1936 and was then elected president of the country. On January 1, 1937, he officially took over the post of head of state. Established a regime of personal power, brutally suppressing any manifestations of opposition. With financial and military support from the United States, S. managed to defeat the troops of A. Sandino. Increased the term of office as president from 4 to 6 years. 12/8/1941 declared war on Germany. In 1947, he allowed L. Arguello to be elected president, but a month after the inauguration he declared him incompetent and again led the country, and in 1950 he officially took over the post of president. He established a one-party regime of the Liberal Party in the country, then allowed the activities of the Conservative Party (with which he entered into a pact that provided the latter with a certain number of seats in parliament). In 1948 he took part in the military intervention (subsidized by the United States) in Costa Rica, then in the intervention in Guatemala (1954). In 1954 he signed an agreement with the United States, which placed Nicaraguan military formations under the full control of American military advisers. By the end of his life he had made a huge fortune for himself, becoming the richest landowner in the country. Mortally wounded by nationalist R. Lopez Peretz. After his death, his son Luis Somoza Debail came to power, and in 1967 his 2nd son, Anastasio Somoza Debail. The Somoza family ruled Nicaragua until 1979.

Zalessky K.A. Who was who in the Second World War. Allies of the USSR. M., 2004

Somoza Anastasio Garcia, President of Nicaragua in 1936-1947 and 1950-1956, in fact a dictator. Killed by conspirators.

Tacho started getting carried away early gambling, wine and women. His father sent him to Philadelphia to business school, but in America, instead of studying, Anastasio began reselling used cars, and squandered the proceeds from his business in gambling houses.

Then Somoza Sr. returned his son to Nicaragua, purchased a tavern for him and married him to Salvador, the daughter of Dr. Luis J. Debayle and Casimira Sacasa, the sister of the future President of Nicaragua, Juan Sacasa.

Marriage did not calm down Tacho. Very soon the tavern went under the hammer for gambling debts, and the same fate befell the San Marcos estate, which Anastasio inherited from his father. To improve his financial affairs, Anastasio became a counterfeiter.

In 1921, he was arrested along with an accomplice and future chief of staff of the National Guard, Camilo Gonzalez.

In 1926, the military forces of the Liberal Party removed President Adolfo Diaz. The Debayles were influential figures in the Liberal Party and helped their son-in-law Somoza get nominated.

Somoza combined his duties as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs in the government of President José María Moncada with serving as a translator for the US Marine Expeditionary Force in Nicaragua.

General Calvin B. Matthews, the last American chief of the Nicaraguan National Guard, recommended Somoza to take his place. In November 1932, new President Juan Bautista Sacasa appointed General Somoza to command the National Guard.

After the end of World War II, Somoza, anticipating the intensification of opponents of his rule, made broad promises of reforms, which remained only promises.

Somoza rewrote the Constitution of Nicaragua four times in his own interests, and changed ministers like gloves. Follower Hitler, Mussolini And Hirohito who gave him their portraits with touching inscriptions, he introduced USA in World War II quickly turned into a “democrat”, and then found contacts with the Zionists, making their man I. Arazi his ambassador for special assignments in Western Europe.

In early April 1954, a group of guards attempted to stage a coup in Managua with the intention of physically eliminating Somoza. The dictator found out about this in a timely manner and suppressed the rebellion. He ordered the captured rebels to be burned alive. His victims numbered in the thousands, and during the reign of his successors, in the tens of thousands.

On September 21, in the second largest Nicaraguan city of Leon, a fiesta was held at the local Workers' Club to mark the proclamation of the dictator as a presidential candidate for a new term. The hero of the occasion was here. In the midst of the evening, when at the table where Tacho was sitting, another toast was being proclaimed to the candidate’s upcoming success, and the orchestra was playing the popular mambo tune “Caballo Negro” (black horse), one of the dancers (it was Rigoberto with his partner) quietly approached the president's table and seriously wounded Somoza with four shots.

After the assassination attempt, Somoza was sent by helicopter to the hospital in the American Panama Canal Zone, where those sent by the president arrived D. Eisenhower surgeons Despite their efforts, Somoza died on September 29. This is how 60-year-old Tacho ended his days ingloriously. During his lifetime he said: “I think I will remain in power for 40 years, but if USA If they judge differently, then I’m ready to leave the presidential palace even tomorrow.” He held power for a little over 20 years and left for another world at the behest of not the Americans, but their opponents.

I.Mussky. One Hundred Great Dictators. M.Veche, 2000

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Picado Michalski Teodoro(1900-1960), personal secretary of A. Somoza.

Western support for the Uzbek regime demonstrates a dangerous trend - reliance on tyrants and despots

Let's call this the foreign policy tradition of "relying on sons of bitches." The story goes that Franklin Roosevelt was asked how to deal with the numerous atrocities of his ally, Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza. The President replied: “He may be a son of a bitch, but he’s our son of a bitch.”

Today, 60 years later, this phrase is perfectly suited to define the policy of the United States, and therefore Britain, towards the Tashkent tyrant Islam Karimov, who has ruled the Central Asian Republic of Uzbekistan since the collapse of the USSR in 1991.

The fact that Karimov is a son of a bitch is an indisputable fact. Like many of his despot predecessors, he borrows the most brutal methods of suppressing dissent from the dark times of the Middle Ages. As a result, a cauldron of boiling water appeared in his arsenal of torture: in 2002, Karimov boiled two of his critics alive. The number of political prisoners in Uzbekistan is 6,000, independent economic activity suppressed, religious freedom severely limited, free press non-existent, internet censored. On December 26, when the whole world admired the Ukrainian “Orange Revolution,” Karimov held elections, the outcome of which was clear in advance - after all, he banned all opposition parties.

But what does “some human rights violations” mean when we are talking about a friend? And Karimov is undoubtedly our friend. Shortly after the events of September 11, he allowed the United States to establish a military base in Khanabad, thereby making a useful contribution to the preparations for war against Afghanistan. Since then, he has enjoyed playing the role of a reliable guarantor of oil and gas supplies from Central Asia, so coveted by the United States, which is seeking to reduce oil dependence on the Persian Gulf countries. In addition, he readily agreed to provide his services for what is embarrassingly called “transfer”: persons suspected of involvement in terrorism are taken for interrogation to countries where torture is less scrupulous than Britain or the United States.

It is because of this (Craig Murray), former ambassador Great Britain in Tashkent, fell out of favor with his superiors: this brave man argued that England was “selling its soul to the devil” using information obtained in such a disgusting way.

Having brushed off Murray's doubts, London and Washington remain grateful to Karimov. High-ranking officials from the Bush administration flocked to Tashkent to thank the dictator for his services. Donald Rumsfeld - apparently not content with being photographed with Saddam Hussein in 1983 - praised Karimov for his "excellent cooperation", while former Bush Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill Neill expressed admiration for the autocrat's "powerful intellect" and his "passionate desire" to improve the lives of ordinary Uzbeks.

However, this blatant example of “reliance on sons of bitches” would have gone virtually unnoticed if not for the events last days. After all, you can only make friends with disgusting characters when others are not looking too closely at your friend - and this week the whole world saw the Karimov regime in action. When his opponents took to the streets last Friday, the dictator ordered troops to shoot demonstrators. Uzbek official sources say 169 dead; human rights organizations estimate the number of victims at 500-750 people: the majority of them were unarmed people.

Americans welcomed mass demonstrations in Lebanon, Georgia and Ukraine as a manifestation of the “will of the people.” However, they reacted differently to the bold popular uprising in Uzbekistan. Washington called on both sides for “restraint,” thereby putting peaceful protesters on the same level as those who shot them. True, over the past two days, Washington's tone has changed slightly. Now the State Department is demanding that Tashkent “carry out real reforms” and solve “human rights problems.” At the very least, we cannot exclude the possibility that Washington will soon decide: Karimov has become too odious a figure and should be replaced with another, more “digestible” - but no less reliable - leader. In other words, to be the same “ours”, but not such a son of a bitch.

"Relying on sons of bitches" has always caused some inconvenience, even in Roosevelt's time; it, of course, does not fit well with America’s self-perception as a kind of “ray of light in a dark kingdom.” But today this contradiction - some would call it hypocrisy - is greater than ever. After all, this is happening in the Bush era, and the main postulate of the Bush doctrine is the spread of democracy and the “unstoppable flame of freedom” everywhere, right up to the farthest corners of the planet. Such rhetoric is difficult to reconcile with practice - for example, financing a dictator who cooks his enemies alive.

Maybe Bush should break with the traditions of the past and conduct his fight for democracy using pure, democratic methods? But this option scares him. If free elections are allowed to be held in countries that are now considered reliable allies of the United States - for example, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Morocco - who can vouch for the consequences? Washington is afraid that its dubious friends will be replaced by irreconcilable enemies: Islamist radicals, who will most likely emerge victorious from any democratic competition in many countries of the Arab world.

The question is, of course, complex. Nevertheless, many arguments can be made in favor of America, and indeed Britain, not just talking about democracy, but also behaving like democrats - and not only of an idealistic, but also a pragmatic nature.

First, despots are unreliable allies: they too often turn from friends into enemies. Let us recall two people who once played the role of “our sons of bitches” for America. In the 1980s, the United States supported Saddam in the war with Iran and Osama bin Laden in the fight against the USSR. It was the United States that supplied them with weapons, which they ultimately turned against America itself.

Secondly, pragmatic “deals with the devil” are essentially ineffective. The fact is that by oppressing their own people, tyrannical regimes do not suppress, but provoke terrorism. Moreover, such deals, made in the name of democracy, tarnish the very purpose they are intended to serve. This is why it is so difficult for liberal reformers in the Middle East today to convince them that they are right. Arab peoples, who suspect that the word "democracy" actually means American occupation, cheap oil sales and torture at Abu Ghraib.

Third, if democracy, as the Bush Doctrine claims, is truly a panacea for all ills, then why not let it work its magic? In other words, a government (whatever its political coloring) that truly represents the people cannot fail to bring its country the freedom and stability that Washington so dreams of. Perhaps Western leaders should be reassured by at least this fact: in the Middle East, even the democrats themselves are not calling for an immediate revolution - they understand that under authoritarian regimes the only space for social activities in their countries, in addition to the state, there is a mosque. That is why, if free elections are held tomorrow in Egypt, the Islamist group “Muslim Brotherhood” will certainly win.

But if the West were to tie the gigantic financial and military aid it is providing to these regimes to, say, a three-year program of gradual liberalization—the repeal of emergency laws, the lifting of bans on the normal financing of political parties—then the public space would soon expand, and this new “territory “It will not be despots or mullahs who will occupy it, but completely different forces. Various parties and movements will be able to begin preparing for future elections, in which they will now have a real chance of success.

From the point of view of spreading democracy, such a policy undoubtedly seems more logical and consistent than the current contradictory course of “relying on tyrants.” And it may well prove its effectiveness - even in such a gloomy place as Uzbekistan.

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SOMOZA GARCIA ANASTASIO

(b. 1896 – d. 1956)

The President of Nicaragua, a de facto dictator who used repression and cared only about his own well-being.

Talking about the politics and economy of Nicaragua without mentioning the United States simply makes no sense. From the time of Spanish rule to the present day political life Nicaragua is ruled by 3-4 families with Spanish roots. From time to time, this political “beau monde” is diluted with several generals, revolutionaries or counter-revolutionaries, depending on the situation. Nicaragua is a small country: presidents and ministers, parliament and army here are like toys. But their actions are far from toy-like. What is surprising is the ease of attitude towards human life, or rather the cruelty, in countries Latin America. With each coup, people are killed in the hundreds, sometimes in the thousands. Perhaps this is an echo of the Spanish conquests, or perhaps it gives importance to small countries in their own eyes. All of the above clearly illustrates the dictatorial regime of Anastasio Somoza. He and his sons were in power in Nicaragua for 44 years, during which time the country was ruled, both explicitly and implicitly, by the United States.

Anastasio Garcia Somoza, or Tacho as he was called in childhood, was born on February 1, 1896. Tacho became interested in gambling, wine and women at an early age. The boy had someone to follow by example. The “glorious” Somoza family was started by his grandfather, Bernabe Somoza, a bandit nicknamed “Seven Handkerchiefs.” During raids, he covered his face with a handkerchief; in addition, his nickname hinted at a Latin American proverb: “And half a dozen handkerchiefs are not enough to wash the blood off your hands.” When Bernabe was finally hanged in the city of Rivas, his son Anastasio, Tacho’s father, bought a coffee plantation with the money his dad “earned” and managed to make a decent fortune.

At the age of 17, Tacho’s father sent him to business school in Philadelphia. In America, the young man did not abandon his hobbies and, instead of studying, began resale of used cars, and squandered the proceeds from his business in gambling houses. There, Tacho tried his hand at counterfeiting dollars. The attempt was unsuccessful - he was sent to prison. Through the efforts of his father, the young businessman was sent home.

In Nicaragua, Somoza Sr. bought his son a tavern and advantageously married Salvador, the daughter of Dr. Luis X. Debayle and Casmira Sacasa. However, a normal life was not for Tacho. Soon the tavern went under the hammer for gambling debts. The San Marcos estate, which Anastasio inherited from his father, also floated behind the tavern. To improve his financial situation, Tacho became a counterfeiter. In 1921, he was arrested along with an accomplice, the future chief of staff of the National Guard, Camilo Gonzalez. Debayle's family despised Somoza, but for the sake of their daughter the matter was hushed up. For some time, Tacho worked for the Rockefeller Foundation, modernizing latrines in Managua, for which he received the nickname “Marshal of the Sewer.” Then, with the support of the Americans, he became the "political boss" of the city of Leon.

In Nicaragua, dissatisfaction was brewing with the presence of American troops and the policies of the conservative governments of Chamorro, followed by Diaz. In 1926, General Sandino launched a guerrilla movement against the US occupation. Taking advantage of the situation, the military forces of the Liberal Party removed Diaz.

General José Maria Moncada became president. Members of the Debayle family were influential figures in the party and helped their son-in-law get nominated. Somoza was appointed deputy minister of foreign affairs in Moncada's government. Tacho combined this position with service as a translator for the US Marine Expeditionary Force. Journalist William Creme wrote: “Somoza spoke English fluently, but with a fantastic number of errors and in that special jargon used by American gangsters of Italian origin.” The “education” received in Philadelphia made itself felt.

General Sandino waged a guerrilla war with the US Army for seven years and forced the Americans into exile. In January 1933, the US Marines withdrew from Nicaragua. Its place was taken by the intelligence services and, above all, the CIA. Having come to power, Tacho said: “I think I will remain in power for 40 years, but if the United States judges differently, then I am ready to leave the presidential palace even tomorrow.” The US guided, supported and protected Tacho and later his two sons. But the trouble is that each subsequent Somoza was a greater degenerate than the previous one. The United States could no longer tolerate Somoza in its third “edition.” In 1979, they refused to support Somoza Jr., and the National Liberation Front seized power in the country. Sandino. The last Somoza fled to Paraguay. In 1980, in Asuncion, on the threshold of his home, he was shot by members of an Argentine terrorist group in absentia by the Sandinistas. Continuing the “glorious” traditions of Bernabe, none of the Somoza clan, except for his father, died a natural death. In 1982, the US Congress banned support for Nicaraguan counter-revolutionaries.

Tacho proved himself to be more than loyal to the United States, and during the evacuation of American troops, the chief director of the National Guard, General B. Matthews, recommended Somoza in his place. In November 1932, the new President Juan Bautista Sacasa appointed General Somoza as commander of the National Guard. After the Americans left, General Sandino signed an agreement with President Sacasa to end hostilities. He disarmed, retaining the guard battalion. The partisans were allocated land to create an agricultural cooperative.

Somoza, meanwhile, “mastered” the guard. He got rid of unwanted officers and enlisted the support of the Chief of the General Staff, General G. Abausa. Tacho claimed that Sandino handed over only the outdated weapons to authorities and hid the rest. He demanded the complete disarmament of the Sandinistas and the liquidation of the guard battalion. Somoza sent guard units into the mountains of Segovia, who pursued the Sandinistas, despite government safe-conduct. Many Sandinistas died, the survivors ended up in prison.

Sandino demanded that Sacasa disband the guard as an illegal anti-people organization. In February 1934 he came to Managua for negotiations with the president. As a result, a decision was made to appoint General Portocarrero, a friend of Sandino, as civil and military commander of the 4 Segovian departments. Sacasa also pledged to reorganize the Guard. Somoza turned to the United States for advice. The US ambassador to Nicaragua said his government wanted Sandino removed. On February 21, 1934, in the square in front of the presidential palace, the “general of free people” Sandino was killed.

That same night, guardsmen broke into the Sandinista cooperative. The massacre of unarmed people began and continued until the morning. More than 300 people died, mostly women and children. Only a few managed to escape. Sandino's murder sparked outrage far beyond Nicaragua's borders. Somoza was very frightened and ordered an investigation into what happened. Captain Gutierras was declared the scapegoat. He took the blame and was convicted, but after some time Somoza obtained an amnesty for him.

February 21 marked the beginning of total terror. During its existence, the National Guard killed 300 thousand people - 10% of the country's population. Elections were approaching, Tacho was eager for power. The only real force standing in his way was Sacasa's nephew Ramon. Tacho accused him of insubordination, surrounded the fortress he commanded, and demanded his surrender. At the same time, Somoza besieged the presidential palace in Managua. Ramon was ready for battle, but the president, fearing defeat, ordered him to lay down his arms. Sacasa and other Somoza opponents fled Nicaragua. The path to power was open. Congress, at the request of Tacho, elected his friend Carlos Jarquin as interim president.

In September 1936, presidential elections took place. Somoza received the majority of the votes. Coup d'etat was formalized “constitutionally”. On January 1, 1937, Somoza officially took office as President of Nicaragua. He banned the activities of all parties except the Liberal and Conservative parties, which were allocated some seats in Congress in exchange for obedience. Somoza appointed his friend Colonel Reis as Minister of War.

Tacho really liked Hitler and Mussolini. He even organized his own fascist movement, the Blue Shirts, which disbanded in the early 40s. at the direction of the United States. In the living room of the presidential palace there hung a photo collage in which Tacho was “captured” in an embrace with Hitler. After the United States entered the war, Tacho hung the collage in his bedroom, stopped contacts with the Nazis, confiscated the property of the Nicaraguan Germans and bought it himself for next to nothing. He adopted a Labor Code that was progressive in content and allowed the activities of the socialist party. After the end of World War II, Somoza promised to carry out a wide range of reforms, which remained a promise. It later turned out that during the war, Tacho sheltered fascists from Uruguay on the territory of Nicaragua.

Somoza did not like communists, although he understood communism in a broad and unique way. He banned the “communist” poems of Ruben Dario, persecuted modernists, abstract artists and surrealists. Somoza banned pilots from wearing “communist” leather jackets. The peak of the fight against communism was the ban on tango as “the dance of the proletarians of Buenos Aires.” It was ordered to hand over all tango records, and the release of films in cinemas in which tangos were danced was prohibited.

Somoza defined his political credo as follows: “Bullets for my enemies, bucks for my friends.” It’s unlikely that friends shared much. Tacho's greed was fantastic. By 1945, he owned: 51 cattle breeding, 46 coffee, 400 tobacco estates; gold mines; 50% shares of the only cement plant; 50% of the shares of a match factory (to get rid of competition, Tacho banned the import of lighters); half of all wood processing factories; 4 power plants, etc. Every year Tacho embezzled 75 thousand dollars in taxes from foreign companies. Of the 100 tractors ordered from the USA, Tacho took 98 for himself. Under Somoza, cotton began to be grown on a large scale in the country. Plantation owners, mostly American companies, made large profits. Thousands of peasants were left without land, work and livelihoods. In rural areas, the population was dying of hunger. Cotton cultivation severely undermined the country's economy and left Nicaragua dependent on food imports.

Monuments were erected to Tacho, his name, the names of his wife and relatives were assigned to cities, squares, and streets. His daughter Lillian became "Queen of the National Guard." Under Tacho, the guard became a caste of “untouchables”. She controlled the trade in weapons, alcohol, drugs, and medicines. Radio and television, gambling houses, prostitution, tax collection and rural justice were also in her hands. Tiskap Hill, on which the presidential palace, police headquarters and military academy with barracks stood, became impregnable. Tacho loved prisons. He turned the eastern wing of the palace into a prison, in whose narrow cells one could only stand. Samosa’s personal menagerie with tigers, hyenas, crocodiles and anacondas was also located there. Terrible things were told about this neighborhood. Later, Somoza built another bunker for himself and an underground prison.

The US leadership knew what Tacho represented, but did not refuse support. It was about him that F. Roosevelt said: “Yes, he is a son of a bitch. But he’s our son of a bitch.” The Americans provided the greatest and most invaluable service to the dictator in organizing his personal security. Without their help, Somoza would not have lived a day in this world. FBI and CIA agents organized, trained and directly supervised an extensive network of informers. “Orejas” (“ears”) were found in all levels of society, in all cities and villages. There were thousands of them. Thanks to "Orejas", numerous conspiracies, rebellions and election combinations failed even at the preparation stage. It is clear why the conspiracy of young uncompromising poets, simple in concept and execution, was a success. There was simply no place for an informer in their narrow circle.

It was decided to kill the tyrant during the fiesta in Leon. On September 21, 1956, in the midst of the evening, during a dance, the poet Perez approached Somoza's table and shot him 6 times. Tacho was taken to the hospital in the American Panama Canal Zone; President D. Eisenhower sent his personal doctor. However, despite all efforts, Somoza died on September 29, 1956.

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XI “DON GARCIA OF NAVARRE” “DON GARCIA OF NAVARRE” The troupe first appears on the stage of the Palais Royal on January 20, 1661; "Love's Vexation" and "The Imaginary Cuckold" are coming. February 4 - premiere of the heroic comedy "Don Garcia of Navarre, or the Jealous Prince." “Failure,” writes

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Luis Garcia Berlanga Academy of Stilettos Some ill-intentioned individuals believe that my love for shoes turns me into a pervert. But in reality, their countries simply treat fetishists poorly. This is just an aesthetic impulse that no one cares about.

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Luis Garcia Berlanga Lame whoreLouis Garcia Berlanga Marty? (1921–2010) - Spanish director and screenwriter. Many said or wrote something about this film director and fetishist. So many things happened to him and so many people talked about it that you might think that this

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Charlie Garcia Left without paying Charlie Garcia (Carlos Alberto Garcia More than La?ngue) (1951) – multi-instrumentalist musician, one of the most famous Argentine rock musicians, producers, composers. Five expensive Argentine prostitutes said that this popular

Our son of a bitch


Our son of a bitch

To begin with, let me give you an anecdote that has recently been circulating on the Internet:

“- Somoza, of course, is a son of a bitch, but whose son of a bitch? - said President Nixon. - Our son of a bitch!..
30 years have passed.
“I looked into the eyes of my friend Vladimir,” said President Bush, “and I saw in them a democrat, a true democrat in the spirit of George Washington and the Founding Fathers.”
“Political correctness is a great thing,” thought Kissinger, who wrote both speeches.”

Of course, Kissinger did not write speeches for Bush Jr., nor, indeed, for Nixon. And Nixon didn't say anything like that. It is sometimes claimed that US Secretary of State Cordell Hull (in reference to the dictator of the Dominican Republic Rafael Trujillo) or Secretary of State Dean Acheson (in reference to the leader of communist Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito) was the first to speak about “our son of a bitch”. There are other versions. But it is still generally believed that Franklin Delano Roosevelt was the first to say this phrase, and it referred to the President of Nicaragua, Anastasio Somoza Sr.

On May 5, 1939, Somoza and his wife got off the train at Union Station, a train station in Washington. He was met by Roosevelt and his wife, the almost full Cabinet of Ministers and the leaders of Congress. Along the entire route of the motorcade there were troops dressed in full dress uniform and many military equipment, including thirty tanks. A month later, the English King George VI and Queen Elizabeth were greeted in the same way, and no one had been greeted like this in Washington before. At the White House, Somoza presented Roosevelt with a complete collection of Nicaraguan stamps and proposed digging a new inter-oceanic canal through Nicaragua, for the sake of greater security for the continent.

Three days later, Somoza addressed Congress. Congressmen were less friendly, and Republican Hon Schafer even called the guest of honor a “South American dictator.” It was rumored that on the eve of the visit, Roosevelt's adviser Sumner Wells presented the president with a report in which Somoza was portrayed in an extremely unsavory manner. After carefully reading the report, Roosevelt noted: “AS A NICARAGUAAN WOULD SAY, HE IS A SON OF A BITCH, BUT OURS.”

But who reported these words and when? They were reported by Time Weekly in an unsigned article about Somoza, “I Am a Champion,” published in November 1948, ten years after Somoza’s visit and four years after the death of F.D. Roosevelt. To this day, no evidence has been found that he actually said this.

But they discovered that this is exactly what they said about him. F.D.R. was nominated for president in July 1932 at the Chicago Democratic Convention. His candidacy passed with a significant majority, but not all party bosses were happy with it. One of Roosevelt's most persistent opponents, General Hugh Johnson, was asked how he viewed the results of the vote. Instead of answering, the general told an “old joke” about the provincial Democratic convention. When the delegates elected a dubious candidate, one of the participants exclaimed in their hearts: “Damn everything! It was impossible to allow such a scoundrel to be elected!” The other paused, sighed and replied: “After all, he’s not so bad: after all, he’s our scoundrel.”

The “old joke” had really grown a beard by that time: it appeared in print in 1868 and since then, with various variations, has been walking through the pages of American newspapers. He was often associated with the name of Thaddeus Stevens (1792-1868), an ally of Lincoln; in years Civil War he was the leader of the left wing of the Republicans. It was said that once, when choosing a person for a position, Stevens asked his colleagues which of the two applicants was better. “Both are big rascals,” they answered him. “YES, BUT WHICH ONE OF THEM IS OUR SLAYER?” — Stevens clarified his question.

I foresee another question: what and when did Bush Jr. say about V.V.P.’s eyes? At a joint press conference with him in Ljubljana, Slovenia, on January 16, 2001, Bush said: “I looked this man in the eye. I think this is a very straightforward and trustworthy person. (...) I understood his soul, the soul of a man devoted to his country and the interests of his country.”

But phrases from jokes much more often end up in history.

Konstantin Dushenko.

Successor: Leonardo Arguello
President of Nicaragua
May 7 - September 29 Predecessor: Victor Manuel Roman and Reyes Successor: Luis Somoza Religion: Catholic Birth: 1st of February(1896-02-01 )
San Marcos Death: September 29(1956-09-29 ) (60 years)
Panama Canal Zone Burial place: Managua Dynasty: Birth name: Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). Father: Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). Mother: Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). Spouse: Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). Children: sons: Luis, Anastasio The consignment: Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). Education: Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). Academic degree: Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). Website: Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). Autograph: Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). Monogram: Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).

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Anastasio Somoza Garcia(Spanish) Anastasio Somoza Garcia ; February 1 - September 29) - Nicaraguan military and statesman, de facto head of Nicaragua from 1936 to 1956.

Somoza regime

Under Somoza, a strict authoritarian regime was established in Nicaragua. The Guard became the arbiter of destinies in Nicaragua [ style] . She controlled the trade in weapons, alcoholic beverages, drugs, and medicines in the country. Organized prostitution, gambling houses, radio and television, tax collection and rural justice were also under her jurisdiction. Anastasio Somoza himself was considered already in the mid-1940s one of the richest people in all of Mesoamerica. He was an extreme anti-communist (in particular, surrealism was banned in any form as “communist art”), patronized fascist and Nazi organizations, and showed open sympathy for Hitler before the start of World War II. However, on December 8, 1941 he declared war on Germany.

"Our son of a bitch"

Despite his authoritarianism, the anti-communist Somoza enjoyed political support from the United States. Franklin Roosevelt is credited with saying in 1939: “Somoza may be a son of a bitch, but he’s our son of a bitch.” As historian David Schmitz points out, a study of the archives of Franklin Roosevelt's presidential library found no evidence to support this statement. The phrase first appeared in the November 15, 1948 issue of Time magazine; On March 17, 1960, it was mentioned in the CBS broadcast Trujillo: Portrait of a Dictator as being said in reference to Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic. Thus, the authorship and object of this statement remain doubtful.

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